# History Grade 12 P2 Gauteng Mock 2021 Addendum (English)

> Grade 12 History Paper 2 addendum from the Gauteng Mock Exam 2021 (English), 14 pages. Read online or get the free PDF download.

- Page: https://www.hlayiso.com/library/gr12-history-p2-english-2021-preparatory-examination-addendum/a3a8f763-3f7d-4955-b33c-3105de736519
- Updated: 2026-09-27
- Subject: History
- Grade: Grade 12
- Language: English
- Document type: Addendum
- Year: 2021
- Exam period: Gauteng Mock Exam
- Paper: 2
- Curriculum: CAPS
- Pages: 14

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## About this document

History · Grade 12 · Gauteng Mock Exam · 2021 · English. Addendum, 14 pages. Read online or download the PDF.

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## Document text

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           GAUTENG DEPARTMENT OF EDUCATION
              PREPARATORY EXAMINATION
                        2021
                        10792

                       HISTORY

                       PAPER 2

                      ADDENDUM

14 pages

                                             P.T.O.

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                                                  HISTORY                                  ADDENDUM             2
                                                  (Paper 2)                                  10792/21

QUESTION 1:       HOW DID CIVIL SOCIETY ORGANISATIONS REACT TO THE
                  NATIONAL PARTY’S REFORMS OF THE APARTHEID POLICY IN
                  SOUTH AFRICA IN THE 1980s?

SOURCE 1A

The extract below focuses on the establishment of the United Democratic Front. It was
established because of the apartheid policies which were introduced in the early 1980s.

      The most important and truly original organisational expression of popular
      resistance in the 1980s was the United Democratic Front (UDF), which was
      formed in 1983 initially ostensibly (seemingly) to mobilise opposition to the state’s
      constitutional proposals and other legislation (known collectively as the Koornhof
      Bills), including the Black Local Authorities Act. The UDF brought together under
      its umbrella a coalition of civic associations, student organisations and youth
      congresses, women’s groups, trade unions, church societies, sports clubs and a
      multitude of organisations which retained, and often increased because of their
      affiliation to the UDF, their ability to organise independently. At its peak it claimed
      it had around 700 affiliates grouped in 10 regional areas and amounting to a total
      of over two million people.

      With the upsurge (increase) of township unrest beginning in earnest
      (seriousness) in 1984, it was the young people of the townships who provided the
      main impetus (motivation) behind the struggle, while the leadership passed over
      to the Trade Unions in 1988. In one important respect at least, the UDF managed
      to build on the experience of township-based organisations such as civic
      associations, in that it successfully combined local and national grievances.

      The first phase of the UDF followed its activity to oppose elections to the
      Tricameral Parliament and the Koornhof Bills. But soon after August 1984,
      opposition political activity shifted to struggles initiated by local communities and
      became concerned with basic issues affecting township life. This inaugurated
      (initiated) its second phase. The mass upsurge started in earnest in September
      1984 and took the form of bus and rent boycotts, housing movements, squatter
      revolts, labour strikes, school protests and community stay-aways.

         [From: https://libcom.org/library/peoples-politics-state-politics-aspects-national-liberation-south-
                                                                                         africa-1984-1994.]

                                                                                                                P.T.O.

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                                            HISTORY                                 ADDENDUM              3
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SOURCE 1B

The following extract is about the reaction of churches towards the state’s repression in
the 1980s.

      The South African Council of Churches (SACC), an interdenominational
      (inclusive faith) forum of churches, was prominent in fighting for social justice,
      and challenged the apartheid laws during the years of struggle in South Africa. Its
      leaders were amongst others, Desmond Tutu, Beyers Naudé and Frank Chikane.

      In the SACC the ideas of Liberation Theology, which originated in Latin America
      in the 1960s, became popular in the 1980s. The Christian message was
      interpreted as a means of liberating the poor, using direct political action against
      unjust laws that were imposed through the structural (physical) violence of the
      police and the army.

      In 1985, SACC theologians issued the Kairos Document (Moment of Truth). The
      Kairos Document called for the church to stand up for the poor and the
      oppressed and stand up against the injustices of apartheid. The document said
      Christians should serve the needs of the struggle for liberation and mobilise its
      members to work and plan for a change in government. It also supported civil
      disobedience.

      Speaking at a World Council of Churches session in Harare in December 1985,
      Bishop Tutu tackled the impatience of the youth regarding the lack of social
      change which the church was unable to provide:

      "We who want a peaceful solution are rapidly becoming an irrelevancy. We talk
      with words and they (the government) reply with bullets. This is why I have said,
      if I was young, I would have rejected Bishop Tutu long ago."

                                  [From: https://www.sahistory.org.za/article/liberation-organisations]

                                                                                                          P.T.O.

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                                           HISTORY                             ADDENDUM            4
                                           (Paper 2)                             10792/21

SOURCE 1C

The source below outlines the reaction of civic associations towards the oppressive laws
of the National Party.

      The area committees were represented on a township-wide co-ordinating
      committee. These co-ordinating committees usually began defensively, to protect
      the community from state repression and sometimes crime. However, in many
      areas these structures laid the basis for innovative (creative), pro-active
      development strategies. This network of social movements began to break down
      apartheid-imposed structures and recreate communities according to democratic
      principles.

      Many community struggles developed in protest against apartheid regulation of
      basic urban necessities such as housing, land, services (such as water and
      sewerage), transport, health care, child-care and education. This struggle clashed
      head-on with local government structures, which are notoriously corrupt, elected
      on extremely low polls (where elections took place at all), administratively
      inefficient and fiscally (financially) unviable.

      Protests began on a small scale via petitions, representations and press
      statements. When authorities ignored these representations, wider collective
      resources were mobilised in marches, stayaways, boycott action and so forth.
      Inevitably, such actions were met by harsh security force action, in turn triggering
      the familiar cycle of protest-repression-violence-counter-violence. The States of
      Emergency, first declared in 1985 and lasting effectively until mid-1989, were
      clearly aimed at destroying these grassroots social movements. Meetings and
      organisations were banned, activists detained and jailed, and army troops
      patrolled township streets.

                      [From: https://www.saha.org.za/imagesofdefinace/community_azikhwelwa.htm.]

                                                                                                   P.T.O.

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                                                HISTORY                               ADDENDUM        5
                                                (Paper 2)                               10792/21

SOURCE 1D

The following source shows the results of the States of Emergency in South Africa from
1985. During a State of Emergency, the state had special powers and bypassed normal
laws that protected human and civil rights.

                                                                                      HARASSMENT!!!

                                                                                          BOTHA’S
                                                                                          REFORM
                                                                                          S

                                                                                          WE WILL
                                                                                          NOT BE
                                                                                          SILENCED
            [From: https://www.sahistory.org.za/sites/default/files/poster738.jpg.]

                                                                                                     P.T.O.

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                                               HISTORY                                ADDENDUM            6
                                               (Paper 2)                                10792/21

QUESTION 2:      HOW DID THE TRUTH AND RECONCILIATION COMMISSION (TRC)
                 DEAL WITH THE PROCESS OF REPARATIONS?

SOURCE 2A

This extract was written by Desmond Tutu, the chairperson of the TRC. It focuses on
the reasons for the establishment of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission in 1995.

      At the first gathering of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, on
      Reconciliation day in 1995, I spoke at some length of the importance of political
      impartiality (fairness) of the process if it were to succeed. This was not the pious
      (sincere/moral) pleading to the priest; it was the Truth Commission’s legal
      mandate. Ours was not to judge the morality of people’s actions, but to act as
      an incubation (growth) chamber of national healing, reconciliation and
      forgiveness. We were a wounded people, all of us because of the conflict of the
      past. No matter on which side we stood, we were all in need of healing. As
      members of the commission, we were ourselves, wounded healers.

      The commission had three tangible tasks, to establish as complete a picture as
      possible of the causes, nature and extent of gross violations of human rights
      perpetrated between 1960 and 1994 by conducting investigations and creating
      dignified platforms for victims and perpetrators of human rights violations to tell
      their stories; to grant amnesty to qualifying perpetrators of human rights
      violations; and to make recommendations to government on reparations. It also
      had a broader and less tangible (touchable) responsibility to contribute to the
      development of a fundamentally new, compassionate, fair, just and moral
      society.

      “The objectives of the commission shall be to promote national unity and
      reconciliation in a spirit of understanding which transcends (rises above) the
      conflicts and divisions of the past,” the Promotion of National Unity and
      Reconciliation Act of 1995 stated.

      “We are privileged to be on this commission. I told my new team of
      commissioners to assist our land and our people to come to terms with our dark
      past once and for all.” The structure of South Africa’s Truth Commission, and the
      principles that underpinned (supported) its work, were feted (honoured) and
      copied in many other countries.

                    [From: https://mg.co.za/article/2014-04-24-unfinished-business-of the-trc-healing.]

                                                                                                          P.T.O.

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                                          HISTORY                         ADDENDUM           7
                                          (Paper 2)                         10792/21

SOURCE 2B

The source below, an article by B. Hamber and B. Dishington, focuses on the responses
to the Truth and Reconciliation Commission’s reparations policy.

      The last few weeks have seen a flurry (flood) of media reports on the Truth and
      Reconciliation Commission’s reparations policy. Victims who testified before the
      TRC accused them of moving too slowly on the TRC’s recommendations. The
      government blames the TRC for not spending all the money allocated to the
      reparations budget.

      Whichever way we look at it, the victims are getting a raw deal. They have been
      victimised by what happened to them in the past and have had to watch
      perpetrators getting amnesty. They waited for two and a half years for so-called
      urgent interim (temporary) payments, which on average, amount to a little more
      than R3 500 for violations such as murder and rape. To make matters worse, the
      TRC’s long-term reparations recommendations tabled in October 1998, still await
      substantial (important) discussion that moves beyond political posturing (bullying)
      towards exploring feasible (possible) options. The right to reparation for wrongful
      acts has long been recognised as a fundamental principle of law, essential to the
      functioning of legal systems.

      Reparation is recognised under international treaties and customary law in
      decisions by the United Nations Human Rights and National Law and Practice, as
      well as in several other international treaties. Recent developments suggest that
      soon, reparation will become an international standard, not just a principle.
      Therefore, if reparations are not granted to victims in the long run, and let us
      hope this is not the case, it may be possible for them to test whether this would
      contravene (defy) South Africa’s obligations.

                                                                [From: Sunday Independent]

                                                                                             P.T.O.

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                                                (Paper 2)                               10792/21

SOURCE 2C

The source below explains how victims of apartheid demanded R1m each in reparations.

      A crowd of victims of apartheid gathered at the Union Buildings in Pretoria on
      Tuesday, demanding an urgent meeting with President Cyril Ramaphosa. The
      group of aged people, with many using crutches to help them walk, was led by
      activist Nomarussia Bonase of the Khulumani Support Group – an organisation
      which supports apartheid-era victims and activists.

      "We are from Gauteng but what we have brought here is a mandate and the
      demands of the Khulumani Support Group nationally. It is now 25 years and we
      are still on this journey, trying to bring our government in to talk about our
      demands. We are a wounded society. We were wounded by apartheid. After
      1994, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) was formed, and that
      commission was meant to bring peace, rebuild and restore the dignity of humans
      violated by apartheid," Bonase told African News Agency.
      "During the TRC, people who were victims of apartheid said they needed
      reparation … The TRC came up with a recommendation that victims and their
      families should be given individual reparations. They recommended a package
      for each individual, which was financial and would not be less than R120 000 at
      that time. That was in 1998. They also said they would give the victims proper
      housing, help the victims with proper medication and also help them with
      education."

      "The other was symbolic reparations which would be a symbol for not forgetting
      what transpired (happened) during apartheid. For us, it was about having our
      stories written, being in books and also have monuments and tombstones
      erected. This democracy we talk about today came as a result of blood which
      was shed. We have people who disappeared, their families are here," she
      said. "There are also people who are wounded here. They need help. All these
      things are part of what we are demanding. The government has since taken only
      about 22 000 stories and only 15 000 people have been reparated. Those people
      are also here, they were thrown a R30 000. Our government has unfinished
      business of the TRC."

      Bonase said the victims are now demanding "an urgent proper reparation" which
      would help heal their wounds.

      [From: https://www.iol.co.za/news/politics/victims-of-apartheid-demand-r1m-each-in-reparations]

                                                                                                        P.T.O.

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                                           HISTORY                             ADDENDUM     9
                                           (Paper 2)                             10792/21

SOURCE 2D

The following cartoon by Zapiro appeared in the Sowetan Newspaper on 29 October 1998.
It evaluates the work of the TRC.

\

       RECOMMENDED BY THE TRC FOR APARTHEID-ERA ATROCITIES

      Government

             [From: https://www.google.com/search?q=zapiro+cartoons+on+reparations.]

                                                                                            P.T.O.

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                                           HISTORY                               ADDENDUM         10
                                           (Paper 2)                               10792/21

QUESTION 3:     HOW DID GOBALISATION AFFECT WORKERS IN DEVELOPING
                COUNTRIES?

SOURCE 3A

The source below focuses on the influence of globalisation.

      We now communicate and share each other’s cultures through trade and
      travel, transporting products around the world in hours or days. We are in a
      huge global economy where something that happens in one area can have a
      knock-on effect worldwide. This process is called globalisation.

      Globalisation is the process by which the world is becoming increasingly
      interconnected as a result of massively (greatly) increased trade and cultural
      exchange. Globalisation has increased the production of goods and services.
      The biggest companies are no longer national firms but multi-national
      corporations with subsidiaries (businesses) in many countries. Examples of
      multi- national corporations are Starbucks, McDonalds and Nike. Globalisation
      has been taking place for hundreds of years but has sped up enormously over
      the last half-century.

      Globalisation has resulted in an increased international trade and companies
      operating in more than one country. There is a greater dependence on the
      global economy and freer movement of capital, goods and services. Although
      globalisation is probably helping to create more wealth in developing countries
      – it is not helping to close the gap between the world's poorest countries and
      the world's richest.

                               [From: https://www.bbc.co.uk/bitesize/guides/zxpn2p3/revision/1]

                                                                                                  P.T.O.

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                                              HISTORY                              ADDENDUM            11
                                              (Paper 2)                              10792/21

SOURCE 3B

The following source explains the impact of multi-national corporations on the lives of
workers in developing countries.

      Multi-national corporations provide an inflow of capital into the developing
      country. The investment to build the factory is counted as a capital flow on the
      financial account of the balance of payments (difference between money coming
      in and out). This capital investment helps the economy develop and increases its
      productive capacity. One of the best ways to increase the level of economic
      growth is to provide an inflow of capital from abroad. The inflow of capital helps to
      finance foreign investments and enables developing countries to buy imports.

      Multi-national corporations provide employment. Although wages seem very low
      by western standards, people in developing countries often see these new jobs
      as preferable to working as subsistence farmers with even lower incomes.
      ‘Sweatshop labour is better than the alternative of scavenging (searching) or no
      paid employment’. Economists are not all convinced that sweatshop labour is a
      good thing. Critics argue that weak labour conditions allow multi-nationals to use
      their monopsony (controlling) power to pay lower wages to workers than they
      should get paid.

      Multi-national firms may help improve infrastructure in the economy. They may
      improve the skills of their workforce. Foreign investment may stimulate spending
      in infrastructure such as roads and transport. Multi-national firms help to diversify
      the economy away from relying on primary products and agriculture – which are
      often subject to volatile prices and supply.

           [From: https://www.economicshelp.org/blog/1413/development/multinational-corporations-in-
                                                                             developing-countries/]

                                                                                                       P.T.O.

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                                              HISTORY                              ADDENDUM           12
                                              (Paper 2)                              10792/21

SOURCE 3C

The cartoon below depicts the conditions under which workers in developing countries
produce goods for multi-national companies such as Nike.

                                               MEANWHILE, IN A SWEATSHOP
                                               SOMEWHERE IN INDONESIA…
            WE WANT FAIR WORK
            CONDITIONS

                                                                                               NIKE

        [From: https://caribbeandilemma.wordpress.com/2015/03/12/behind-the-swoosh-do-sweatshop-
                                                                create-employment-or-exploitation/]

                                                                                                      P.T.O.

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SOURCE 3D

The following source outlines how civil society protested against the exploitation of
workers by multi-national companies such as Nike.

      Nike is one of the business world’s shining examples of how to clean up an
      image. In the 1990s, the company was plagued by reports that it used
      sweatshops and child labour. Pressure grew until 1998, when Nike co-founder
      Phil Knight, publicly committed to changing the company’s practices, and Nike
      spent the next decade doing just that.

      Now, Nike’s sweatshop problem is threatening a comeback. On July 29, students
      and activists around the world participated in a day of protest against Nike,
      organised by United Students Against Sweatshops (USAS). The demonstrations,
      in cities such as Boston, Washington D.C., Bangalore, and San Pedro Sula in
      Honduras, represented an escalation of allegations against Nike that have been
      slowly bubbling (brewing) up.

      Among them are claims that workers at a Nike contract factory in Hansae,
      Vietnam, suffered wage theft and verbal abuse, and laboured for hours in
      temperatures well over the legal limit of 90 degrees, to the point that they would
      collapse at their sewing machines. Nike is also accused of cutting jobs, resulting
      in hundreds of workers losing vital jobs. The company has also allegedly denied
      the independent monitoring group Worker Rights Consortium (WRC) access to
      inspect its contract factories. The WRC was founded in 2000 by universities,
      international labour rights experts and student groups to ensure that products
      bearing university logos were made under conditions that respected workers’
      rights.
                  [From: https://qz.com/1042298/nike-is-facing-a-new-wave-of-anti-sweatshop-protests.]

                                                                                                         P.T.O.

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                                            HISTORY                           ADDENDUM          14
                                            (Paper 2)                           10792/21

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Visual sources and other historical evidence were taken from the following:

      https://libcom.org/library/peoples-politics-state-politics-aspects-national-liberation-
      south-africa-

      https://www.sahistory.org.za/article/liberation-organisations

      https://www.saha.org.za/imagesofdefinace/community_azikhwelwa.htm

      https://www.saha.org.za/imagesofdefinace/takeyourhandsoffmeimaworkernotatoya
      womansplaceisinthestruggle.htm

      https://www.sahistory.org.za/sites/default/files/poster738.jpg

      https://www.bbc.co.uk/bitesize/guides/zxpn2p3/revision/1

      https://www.economicshelp.org/blog/1413/development/multinational-
      corporations-in-developing-countries/

      https://www.economicshelp.org/blog/1413/development/multinational-
      corporations-in-developing-countries/

      https://qz.com/1042298/nike-is-facing-a-new-wave-of-anti-sweatshop-protests/

      https://mg.co.za/article/2014-04-24-unfinished-business-of-the-trc-healing-

      https://www.iol.co.za/news/politics/victims-of-apartheid-demand-r1m-each-in-
      reparations-

      https://www.google.com/search?q=zapiro+cartoons+on+reparations

      https://ecexams.co.za/2016_September_Trial_Exams.htm

                                                END

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