# History Grade 12 P2 Gauteng Mock 2015 Addendum (English)

> Grade 12 History Paper 2 addendum from the Gauteng Mock Exam 2015 (English), 14 pages. Read online or get the free PDF download.

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- Updated: 2026-09-27
- Subject: History
- Grade: Grade 12
- Language: English
- Document type: Addendum
- Year: 2015
- Exam period: Gauteng Mock Exam
- Paper: 2
- Curriculum: CAPS
- Pages: 14

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History · Grade 12 · Gauteng Mock Exam · 2015 · English. Addendum, 14 pages. Read online or download the PDF.

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               GAUTENG DEPARTMENT OF EDUCATION
                  PREPARATORY EXAMINATION
                             2015
                             10792
                       HISTORY – ADDENDUM

                       SECOND PAPER

14 Pages

           3

                                                 P.T.O.

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                                          HISTORY                   ADDENDUM                        2
                                          (Second Paper)                            10792/15

                         GAUTENG DEPARTMENT OF EDUCATION
                               PREPARATORY EXAMINATION

                                                   HISTORY
                                                   (Second Paper)

QUESTION 1

WHAT IMPACT DID THE PHILOSOPHY OF BLACK CONSCIOUSNESS (BC) HAVE ON
THE STUDENTS OF SOWETO IN THE 1970s?

SOURCE 1A

The following extract focuses on the philosophy of Black Consciousness.

All in all the black man has become a shell, a shadow of a man, completely defeated, drowning
in his own misery, a slave, an ox bearing the yoke (burden) of oppression with sheepish timidity
(shyness). This is the first truth, bitter as it may seem, that we have to acknowledge
before we can start on any programme to change the status quo (existing conditions). It
becomes more necessary to see the truth, as it is, if you realize that the only vehicle for change
is these people who have lost their personality. The first step, therefore, is to make the black
man come to himself, to pump back life into his empty shell; to infuse him with pride and
dignity, to remind him of his complicity in the crime of allowing himself to be misused and
therefore letting evil reign supreme in the country of his birth. This is what we mean by an
inward-looking process. This is the definition of Black Consciousness.

                                                [From: Steve Biko: I Write What I Like, edited by A Stubbs]

                                                                                                    P.T.O.

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SOURCE 1B

This extract highlights the influence that the philosophy of Black Consciousness had on the
youth of Soweto in 1976.

It was evident in the months before and subsequent to the historic march on 16 June 1976, that
the struggle against Afrikaans was not simply a problem about language. Encapsulated
(enclosed) in the rejection of Afrikaans was a series of grievances about Bantu Education, the
dire (bad) conditions in the townships, the suppression of black discontent (dissatisfaction) and
the denial of black aspirations. In other words, the system – apartheid – had become
unbearable.

Despite growing dissatisfaction among black people, political mobilisation remained very limited
in the townships during the late 1960s and early 1970s. But there were two parallel processes
unfolding in this period that would converge (meet) and fundamentally alter black politics.
Firstly, there was a sharp increase in the number of African students, especially in secondary
schools. For the first time in the country’s history there were millions of black students at
school, constituting an important social force. Secondly, Black Consciousness provided young
black students with the political tools to understand the nature of their oppression and
inculcated in them a spirit of defiance. It also provided political cohesion to what was initially
fragmented and dispersed resistance and it openly challenged white hegemony. Black
Consciousness had been developed by Steve Biko and his comrades at tertiary institutions,
where it quickly gained widespread support. While black university students were in the fore in
openly defying white minority rule, their small numbers nationally limited the broader impact of
their action. By contrast, the significantly larger school student population possessed much
greater potential to influence resistance politics. The 1976 uprising was characterised by the
autonomous action of black school students, who mobilised on their own, built their own
independent organisations, and crafted political programmes and tactics in the face of severe
state repression.

                                         [From: http://v1.sahistory.org.za/pages/hands-on-classroom]

                                                                                             P.T.O.

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                                          HISTORY                 ADDENDUM                       4
                                          (Second Paper)                           10792/15

SOURCE 1C

The following extract by Seth Mazibuko focuses on his trial in 1977. It outlines the plans for the
16 June 1976 Soweto uprising and the roles of BCM and SASM.

“On the 13.6.76 I was attending this meeting. Various schools of Soweto were present at this
meeting; therefore there was a large attendance. The main speaker was a man called Aubrey
[not to be confused with Aubrey Mokoena who was not present] who explained to us what the
aims and objects of SASM were. He also discussed the use of Afrikaans as a means of tuition
or language and called upon the prefects of our schools to come forward and to explain what
the position was. I stood up and told the congregation that the Phefeni [Junior Secondary]
School refused to use Afrikaans and they had boycotted classes during May 1976. Aubrey then
enquired how other schools could support us in our stand as they were writing exams and
Phefeni was not … Don [Tsietsi] Mashinini suggested that a mass demonstration should be
held on 16.6.76 by all black schools … The election for the new [Soweto region] committee for
SASM was then held. The following members were then elected to the committee: President,
Don Mashinini of Morris Isaacson; Vice President, Seth Malibu; myself, Secretary; a female
student from Naledi High School – I do not know what her name
 is [Sibongile Mkhabela]... Aubrey also explained that all prefects and the monitors would be
formed into an Action Committee. This committee subsequently met on 15 June 1976 to
consolidate strategies regarding the planned march on 16 June 1976.
 Mazibuko’s involvement in the planning of pre-16 June 1976 events highlights the participation
and support of the BCM and the ANC, through SASM. Although SASM leaders belonged to two
camps – those who were BCM aligned and those who were ANC aligned – a common purpose
prevented a schism (split).
                                                [From: The Road to Democracy in South Africa: Volume 2.
                                                            (pages 339 and 340 By Sifiso Mxolisi Ndlovu]
                                                                               Accessed 12 June 2015

                                                                                                 P.T.O.

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                                        HISTORY              ADDENDUM                   5
                                        (Second Paper)                     10792/15

SOURCE 1D

The following photograph shows students carrying placards against the use of Afrikaaans as a
medium of instruction.

            [From: Every Step of the Way: The Journey to Freedom in South Africa by M Morris]

                                                                                       P.T.O.

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                                          (Second Paper)                           10792/15

QUESTION 2

DID THE TRUTH AND RECONCILIATION COMMISSION (TRC) DEAL WITH SOUTH
AFRICA’S DIVIDED PAST?

SOURCE 2A

This extract explains the aims of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC), which was
established in 1995.

There are two crucial things that have come out of the South African Truth and Reconciliation
Commission. The first is that it has achieved a remarkable and far-ranging public exposure of
the human rights violations and crimes committed under the Apartheid regime… it has forced a
previously reluctant population (though, of course, there is still denial at one level) to see that
Apartheid was morally indefensible; that is a crime against humanity. It has produced an
archive which allows people to examine their past and hopefully learn from it.

Secondly, it has allowed ordinary people to find expression for the suffering under the regime. It
has had a completely cathartic (therapeutic or healing) function for many of the victims… It is in
this sense that some form of reconciliation has already taken place.

                                          [From: www.wits.ac.za Traces of Truth – The South African TRC]
                                                                                Accessed on 4 June 2015

                                                                                                 P.T.O.

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                                           (Second Paper)                               10792/15

SOURCE 2B

The following extract focuses on the reaction to the work of the TRC.

Two months before its report was due to be published in October 1998, the TRC … sent
summaries of its findings to some 200 individuals and organisations that it had named in
connection with human rights abuses. Their reaction was uniformly hostile. De Klerk was livid
(angry) that he had been named ‘an accessory to human rights violations’ and applied to the
High Court for an interdict preventing publication of a 30-line passage referring to him.

Far more of a shock was the ANC’s reaction. Outraged that it has been roundly condemned for
war crimes, the ANC insisted on a meeting with the TRC, intending to get it to rewrite its
findings. The TRC invited the ANC to make a written submission but refused a meeting. The
ANC retaliated by accusing the TRC of “criminalizing” the anti-apartheid struggle.

                              [From: http://mobi.iol.co.za/#!/article/trc-files-reveal-damning-truth-1.1843834]
                                                                                     Accessed on 12 June 2015

                                                                                                       P.T.O.

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                                        (Second Paper)                         10792/15

SOURCE 2C

This cartoon, by Zapiro evaluates the work of the TRC.

                                                         [From: The Sowetan, 29 October 1998]

                                                                                                P.T.O.

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SOURCE 2D

The following extract evaluates evidence that was presented before the TRC.

Approximately 147 transcripts of confidential TRC hearings have been handed over to the
South African Archives (SAHA) by the Department of Justice after the Archives’ marathon
decade-long struggle to obtain them. These documents are said to contain explosive details of
specific human rights violations. The confidential TRC hearings were conducted under Section
29 of the Promotion Of Nationality Act (1995).

Former TRC investigative Unit Head, Dumisa Ntsebesa said “it was of utmost importance for
the files to be accessible in the public domain, as these document raise serious questions for
the NPA about cases that were not followed up once the TRC closed its doors.”
From the records, he said, it will be clear to everyone “that we confronted perpetrators with
gruelling but polite examination where many had to amplify their amnesty applications rather
than the sanitised versions they had earlier represented.

Now everyone can see that the investigative unit confronted perpetrators with damning prima
facie evidence, and it boggles the mind that no one has been prosecuted when the Justice
Department had this kind of information at its disposal.

He said that information obtained at the hearings should have been used by government to
retrieve cash and assets that were funnelled to secret structures such as the Civil Co-operation
Bureau, which had been fingered for participation in the killings of Anton Lubowski, David
Webster, Dulcie September and many other abuses such as the bombing of Father Micheal
Lapsely.

                               [From: http://mobi.iol.co.za/#!/article/trc-files-reveal-damning-truth-1.1843834]
                                                                                      Accessed on 12 June 2015

                                                                                                        P.T.O.

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                                           HISTORY                  ADDENDUM                      10
                                           (Second Paper)                           10792/15

QUESTION 3

WHY DID SOUTH AFRICA JOIN THE BRICS GROUP?

SOURCE 3A

The following source outlines NEPAD’S vision for Africa in 2002.

The Nepad brochure circulated at the World Economic Forum discussions states: "We are at a
significant juncture (cross-roads) in history. A critical mass of leadership has developed both on
the continent and abroad that are genuinely committed to the regeneration of the continent.
Africa's advances in recent years, the convergence (coming together) of agreement on
international development goals, and a common agenda for Africa illustrate this".

Also, Nepad provides three key new elements, namely; it is African developed, managed and
owned; it brings the concept of a new partnership (with mutual commitments, obligations,
interest, contributions and benefits); and Africa is undertaking certain commitments and
obligations in its own interest which are not externally imposed conditions. Nigerian President
Obasanjo said at the WEF conference in Durban, June 2002 that Nepad is the first "all-
inclusive" plan for Africa devised by African leaders for Africans. It is Africa's attempt to deal
with global challenges.

One of its primary objectives is to create peace, as without peace Africa cannot have economic
development. And without peace, the world cannot talk of effectively fighting terrorism. "What is
going to change is the attitude of the leadership in Africa," said Mozambican President
Chissano. "Nepad is first a partnership of Africa, and then a partnership with someone else. We
own the initiative."

Other key objectives of the process are the eradication of poverty and establishing good
governance and democracy on the continent. "We are imposing these standards of governance
on ourselves because we know that there are no alternatives," said Obasanjo. "If we fail, we
can only blame ourselves, so we cannot allow it to fail."

The key word at Nepad is "partnerships" – between Africa and the rest of the world, between
African nations themselves, and between governments and civil society, he added. The Nepad
process marks the first time in recent history that there has been ongoing engagement between
Africa and the rest of the world.
                               [From: http://www.southafrica.info/business/economy/development/nepad.htm]
                                                                                   Accessed: 18 June 2015

                                                                                                  P.T.O.

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SOURCE 3B

The following source focuses on why South Africa wanted to join the BRICS group of countries.

In 2010, South Africa sought to join the BRIC organization in an effort to spur growth and
increase greater connection by lobbying to include the African continent in the organization.
Jacob Zuma visited each of the BRIC countries in 2010 seeking to convince the countries that
South Africa’s membership would legitimize the BRIC formation. South Africa made the case
that the BRIC would remain a Goldman Sachs configuration (structure) until the countries acted
on their own to decide on membership. South Africa also saw an opportunity to further their
economic integration on the continent through partnerships with BRIC companies and financial
institutions. While making the pitch that South Africa was representing the continent,
government officials were also positioning the country to be the first destination for foreign
capital that would be able to fund further ventures by South African companies onto the
continent.

With South Africa’s growth rate of 3% much lower than the other countries, there appears to be
a mismatch between the new entrant and the other four countries. South Africa hopes to use
this to its advantage by positioning itself as a pool for BRICS investment in South Africa’s
advanced economy, plus a base for further investment by the BRICS in the African continent.
The Republic also has institutional stability, historically strong financial markets, and effective
regulators that are looked on favorably by foreign investors, especially those looking to start
pan-African operations. South African business in Africa is widespread and the weight of
traditional powers such as Sasol, SABMiller, Telkom, and Anglo American mean that on a
corporate level South Africa can match its BRICS partners ...

The BRICS involvement in Africa recently gives a clear understanding of the increased interest
on the continent and why South Africa can be seen as a leader of investment in the region.

 [From: http://theafricanfile.com/public-diplomacy/international-relations/globalization-in-emerging-markets-united-
                                            how-south-africa%E2%80%99s-relationship-to-africa-serves-the-brics/ ]
                                                                                        Accessed: 14 February 2015

                                                                                                            P.T.O.

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                                      (Second Paper)                         10792/15

SOURCE 3C

This cartoon comments on the BRICS group breaking away from the G8.

                                                   [From: http://www.les-crises.fr/2014/09/]
                                                             Accessed: 14 February 2015

                                                                                               P.T.O.

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SOURCE 3D

This source examines the establishment of the New Development Bank and the roles of the
BRICS Group.

New Development Bank (NDB)
In its Fortaleza declaration, BRICS announced the establishment of a New Development Bank
with the initial corpus (amount) of $50 billion with equal capital investment by all BRICS nations
i.e. $10 billion by each BRICS nation. This capital, if possible, could later be doubled to $100
billion.

Shanghai, China, has been declared the headquarters of the BRICS Development Bank and
India was declared as the President of the New Development Bank for the first six years. A
Board of Governors and a Board of Directors are to be chaired by Russia and China
respectively.

The Fortaleza Declaration is remarkable for adopting the slogan: “One Nation, One Vote” for
the proposed bank. Unlike the Bretton Woods system, BRICS has decided to share the capital
among the member countries on an equal voting share basis and the capital base will be used
for funding sustainable development projects in the member countries. In future, low and
middle income countries would also be able to apply for funding …

In conclusion we can say that the BRICS Development Bank was created out of the
dissatisfaction in developing countries regarding the dominance of developed nations in World
Financial Institutions and to challenge the hegemony of the Bretton Woods Twins. If this
initiative is able to survive the economic imbalance then it will definitely benefit the BRICS
nations and they would be able to achieve more economic development and thus will become
more powerful in world politics.

                              [From: http://wiseauthority.wordpress.com/2014/08/29/brics-new-development-
                                                               -bank-an-alternative-to-bretton-woods-system]
                                                                                Accessed: 14 February 2015

                                                                                                     P.T.O.

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                                           HISTORY                ADDENDUM                      14
                                           (Second Paper)                       10792/15

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS:

Visual sources and other historical evidence were taken from the following:

 http://www/dirco.gov.za/docs/speeches/2007/mbeki0531.htm.

 http://www.edrc.net/ActivitiesText.htm.

 http://www/globalissues.org/article/3/structural-adjustment-a-major-cause-of-poverty.

 http://www.imf.org/external/np/exr/ib/2002/031502.htm.

 www.wits.ac.za: Traces of Truth – The South African TRC.

 http://www.southafrica.info/business/economy/development/nepad.htm

 http://theafricanfile.com/public-diplomacy/international-relations/globalization-in-emerging
 -markets-united-how-south-africa%E2%80%99s-relationship-to-africa-serves-the-brics/

 http://www.les-crises.fr/2014/09/

 http://wiseauthority.wordpress.com/2014/08/29/brics-new-development-bank-an-alternative-
 to-bretton-woods-system/

 Morris, M. 2004, Every Step of the Way: The Journey to Freedom in South Africa (Cape Town,
 HSRC Press)

 Mzamane, M. et al. The Road To Democracy In South Africa Vol 2 (1970 – 1980) (Unisa Press,
 2006)

 Stubbs, A. 2009. I Write What I Like, Steve Biko, A Selection of his Writings (Picador Africa)

 Taylor, J. 1998, Ubu and the Truth Commission (University of Cape Town Press, Cape Town)

 Theissen, G. Common Past, Divided Truth: The Truth and Reconciliation Commission in South
 African Public Opinion

                                               END

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