# History Grade 12 Paper 1 EC June 2021 Addendum (English)

> Grade 12 History Paper 1 addendum from the EC June 2021 (English), 14 pages. Read online or get the free PDF download.

- Page: https://www.hlayiso.com/library/history-p1-addendum-june-2020-english/94446244-879c-4a8d-acc8-f7c0d6eeae05
- Updated: 2026-09-27
- Subject: History
- Grade: Grade 12
- Language: English
- Document type: Addendum
- Year: 2021
- Exam period: EC June
- Paper: 1
- Curriculum: CAPS
- Pages: 14

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History · Grade 12 · EC June · 2021 · English. Addendum, 14 pages. Read online or download the PDF.

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### Page 1

NATIONAL
SENIOR CERTIFICATE

        GRADE 12

       JUNE 2021

     HISTORY P1
      ADDENDUM
     (EXEMPLAR)

This addendum consists of 14 pages.

### Page 2

2                                     HISTORY P1 (ADDENDUM)                                (EC/JUNE 2021)

    QUESTION 1:        HOW AND WHY DID BERLIN BECOME A FOCAL POINT OF THE
                       COLD WAR AFTER 1945?

    SOURCE 1A

    The following extract focuses on how the Cold War unfolded in Europe after 1945.

    Without Germany’s defeat in 1945 and the subsequent power vacuum in central Europe,
    in which the former members of the Grand Coalition confronted each other eyeball to
    eyeball, the Cold War would not have occurred in the acute form that it did. At the Yalta
    Conference it had been agreed that Germany should be divided into four zones, each
    administered by one of the victorious powers. Sovereignty passed collectively to the
    Four Powers, who, it was envisaged, would govern Germany through the Control
    Commission based in Berlin, which was itself divided into four sectors. Disagreements
    intensified, however, and a united Germany became a prize, which neither the USSR
    nor the Western Allies could concede to the other.

    In any East-West conflict, Germany’s industrial and manpower resources would be
    decided. In the Ruhr, the Western Powers already possessed the industrial powerhouse
    of Europe and could therefore afford to risk the partition of Germany by pressing ahead
    in 1948 with the creation of a semi-independent Western Germany. Without war, the
    USSR could not stop this, but, with the Western military presence in Berlin, they did
    have a hostage. By bringing pressure to bear on this outpost they could, so they hoped,
    wring concessions from London, Washington and Paris.

    [From http//www.historytoday.com/david-williamson/berlin-flash-point-cold-war-1948-1989. Accessed on
                                                                                           27 May 2021.]

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### Page 3

(EC/JUNE 2021)                             HISTORY P1 (ADDENDUM)                                           3

  SOURCE 1B

  This article focuses on the imposition of the Berlin blockade by the Soviet Union.

  The first heightening of Cold War tensions occurred in 1948 when the Soviets imposed
  a partial blockade of Berlin in April, and then a full blockade in June. Understanding the
  events that led to the imposition of the blockades is the key to understanding the later
  division of Berlin in 1961 by the Berlin Wall, and the division of the German state that
  had occurred earlier in 1949 when separate west German (federal Republic of Germany)
  and east German (German Democratic Republic) states were established. There are
  three key events that led to Soviet blockades of Berlin: the institution of the Marshal Plan
  for European recovery, the London Conference in the winter and spring of 1948 and the
  resultant London Program, which called for a separate West Germany and currency
  reform as a means to reach this end. But the Western powers would not give in. To
  demonstrate their resolve, the Americans orchestrated a monumental airlift, which flew
  necessities such as coal and food into the Western sectors of Berlin. This airlift lasted
  for 324 days, and approximately 13 000 tons of supplies a day were delivered.

  In the spring of 1949, it was increasingly clear that the objectives Stalin had in mind
  when ordering a blockade were not going to be met. The US was continuing its counter
  blockade measures, the separate western government in Germany was about to be
  established, and the North Atlantic Treaty was being signed in Washington. Stalin had
  the choice of either continuing with the disastrous blockade or admitting defeat and lifting
  the blockade. Stalin chose the latter, and in May 1949, at the final meeting of the Council
  of Foreign Ministers, the blockade was ended.

                 [From http//www.coldwar.org/articles/40s/berlin-blockade.asp. Accessed on 28 May 2021.]

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### Page 4

4                                    HISTORY P1 (ADDENDUM)                                   (EC/JUNE 2021)

 SOURCE 1C

 This extract focuses on the Berlin Airlift.

 In time, the aircraft became ever more efficient and the number of aircrafts increased. At
 the height of the campaign, one plane landed every 45 seconds at Tempelhof Airport. By
 spring 1949, the Berlin Airlift proved successful. The Western Allies showed that they
 could sustain the operation indefinitely. At the same time, the allied counter-blockade on
 eastern Germany was causing severe shortages, which, Moscow feared, might lead to
 political upheaval.

 On May 11, 1949, Moscow lifted the blockade of West Berlin. The Berlin Crisis of 1948–
 1949 solidified the division of Europe. Shortly before the end of the blockade, the Western
 Allies created the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO). Two weeks after the end
 of the blockade, the state of West Germany was established, soon followed by the
 creation of East Germany. The incident solidified the demarcation between East and
 West in Europe; it was one of the few places on earth where US and Soviet armed forces
 stood face-to-face. It also transformed Berlin, once equated with Prussian militarism and
 Nazism, into a symbol of democracy and freedom in the fight against Communism.

             [From: http://history.state.gov/milestones/1945-1952/brlin-airlift. Accessed on 25 May 2021.]

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### Page 5

(EC/JUNE 2021)                             HISTORY P1 (ADDENDUM)                                          5

 SOURCE 1D

 An American cartoon by D.R. Fitzpatrick, commenting on Soviet actions in Berlin.

       [https://fineartamerica.com/featured/cold-war-berlin-d-r-fitzpatrick.html. Accessed on 25 May 2021.]

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### Page 6

6                                   HISTORY P1 (ADDENDUM)                                (EC/JUNE 2021)

 QUESTION 2:         WHY DID FOREIGN POWERS BECOME INVOLVED IN THE ANGOLAN
                     WAR OF INDEPENDENCE?

 SOURCE 2A

 This source explains the power struggles that erupted after Angola became
 independent in 1974.

 Three main military movements had been fighting for Angolan independence since the
 1960s. The Popular movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA) was a Marxist
 organisation centred in the capital, Luanda, and led by Agostinho Neto. The National
 Front for the Liberation of Angola (FNLA) led by Holden Roberto, was based in the north
 of the country and had strong ties to the US ally (friend), Mobutu Sese Seko, in
 neighbouring Zaire. The National Union for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA),
 an offshoot of the FNLA, was led by Jonas Savimbi and supported by the country’s
 largest ethnic group, the Ovimbundu.
 Following the Portuguese coup (revolution), these three revolutionaries met with
 representatives of the new Portuguese government in January 1975 and signed the Alvor
 Agreement that granted Angolan independence and provided for a three-way power
 sharing government. However, trust quickly broke down among the three groups, and
 the country descended (fell) into civil war as each vied (competed) for sole (total) power.
 The crisis in Angola developed into a Cold War battleground as the superpowers and
 their allies delivered military assistance to their preferred clients. The United States
 supplied aid and training for both the FNLA and UNITA while troops from Zaire assisted
 Holden Roberto and his fighters. China also sent military instructors to train the FNLA.
 During the summer of 1975, the Soviet-supported MPLA was able to consolidate power
 in Luanda and oust the U.S.-supported FNLA from the capital, but the FNLA continued
 to attack.
                [From https://history.state.gov/milestones/1969-1976/angola. Accessed on 26 May 2021.]

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### Page 7

(EC/JUNE 2021)                           HISTORY P1 (ADDENDUM)                                        7

  SOURCE 2B

  The source below outlines the reasons for South Africa’s involvement in Angola during
  the 1970s.

  SA’s first intervention of Angola seems to have resulted from the need to secure and
  protect its own interests. The government was severely anti-communist at this time, as
  the notion of the ‘total national strategy’ against the ‘total onslaught’ of communism
  became the all-encompassing factor that determined foreign policy. SA’s détente politics
  toward Africa at this time was pursued rather successfully prior to the Angolan
  intervention in order to establish buffer zones, which would hopefully protect SA from
  the increasing communist threat. In addition, SA was becoming increasingly worried
  about this possible threat as the USSR and Cuba were enlarging their support to the
  MPLA after the coup in Portugal in 1974. The concentration of SWAPO insurgents on
  the southern Angola border furthermore endangered SA’s interests in SWA, as SWAPO
  was one of the MPLA’s biggest African allies. Both the MPLA and SWAPO were seen
  as Soviet proxies during the Cold War.

  In addition, SA was pressured by some in the international community to get involved in
  Angola for the first time. The USA, like SA, was also strongly anti-communist and
  supported SA’s initial involvement to some extent. France also had concerns. SA also
  saw its limited initial involvement as an opportunity to establish a less hostile
  government in Angola, than what was already established in Mozambique. The FNLA,
  UNITA and several African and international actors such as Zaire and even Zambia
  made similar requests. South Africa decided that it would be in its own as well as the
  region’s best interest to intervene in the Angolan conflict.

                     [From South Africa’s Intervention in Angola: Before Cuito Cuanavale and Thereafter
                         file:///E:/Angola%202/labuschagne_south_2009.pdf. Accessed on 26 May 2021.]

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### Page 8

8                                     HISTORY P1 (ADDENDUM)                                 (EC/JUNE 2021)

    SOURCE 2C

    The extract below indicates how the United States of America supported UNITA during
    the Angolan Civil War.

    The Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) made its first major weapons shipment to the
    FNLA in July 1975. Thus, like the Russians and Chinese, the United States was giving
    aid to one side of Angolan Civil War on a level far greater than it had ever provided
    during the struggle against Portuguese colonialism.

    The United States was directly involved in the civil war to a marked (noticeable) degree.
    In addition to training Angolan combat units, US personnel did considerable flying
    between Zaire and Congo carrying out reconnaissance (investigation) and supply
    missions, and the CIA spent over a million dollars on an ambitious mercenary (hired
    soldiers) programme. Several reports appeared in the US press stating that many
    American guerrillas were fighting in Angola against the MPLA from ‘scores’ to ‘300’ and
    that many others were recruited and trained in the United States to join them. But John
    Stockwell, the head of CIA’s Angola task force, puts the number of American
    mercenaries who actually made it to Angola at only 24. The CIA was also directly
    financing the arming of British mercenaries (fighting in Angola).

    Subsequently (later) the Secretary of the State, Henry Kissinger, informed the Senate
    that ‘the CIA is not involved’ in the recruitment of mercenaries for Angola. … Through
    recruited journalists representing major news service, the Agency (CIA) was able to
    generate international coverage of false reports for Soviet advisers in Angola. One CIA
    story, announced to the press by UNITA, was that 20 Russians and 35 Cubans had
    been captured. Another fabrication (lie) concerned alleged rapes committed by Cuban
    soldiers in Angola; this was elaborated to include their capture, trial and execution …

                     From http://williamblum.org/chapters/killing-hope/angola. Accessed on 7 March 2020.]

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### Page 9

(EC/JUNE 2021)                            HISTORY P1 (ADDENDUM)                                        9

 SOURCE 2D

 This poster depicts President Agostinho Neto and Fidel Castro after Angolan
 independence celebrations.

    [From https://mrdivis.wordpress.com/2016/12/02/remembering-fidel-castros-impact-in-southern-africa/.
                                                                           Accessed on 20 May 2021.]

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### Page 10

10                                 HISTORY P1 (ADDENDUM)                               (EC/JUNE 2021)

  QUESTION 3:        HOW DID THE PROCESS OF SCHOOL INTEGRATION UNFOLD AT
                     CENTRAL HIGH SCHOOL IN LITTLE ROCK, ARKANSAS?

  SOURCE 3A

  This extract focuses on Daisy Bates’ struggle to bring an end to school segregation in
  Little Rock.

  Faubus’ alleged reason for calling out the troops was that he had received information
  that caravans of automobiles filled with white supremacists were heading toward Little
  Rock from all over the state. He therefore declared Central High School off limits to
  Negroes. He delivered the infamous words, ‘blood will run in the streets’ if Negro pupils
  should attempt to enter Central High School and with these words he made his
  contribution to the mass hysteria that was to grip the city of Little Rock for several
  months.

  The citizens of Little Rock gathered on 3 September to gaze upon the incredible
  spectacle of an empty school building surrounded by 250 armed National Guard troops.
  At about eight fifteen in the morning, Central High students started passing through the
  line of National Guardsmen – all but the nine Negro students.

  I had been in touch with their parents throughout the day. They were confused, and they
  were frightened. As the parents voiced their fears, they kept repeating Governor Faubus’
  words that ‘blood would run in the streets of Little Rock’ should their teenage children
  try to attend Central – the school to which they had been assigned by the School Board.

     [From http://-spartacus-educational.com/USAlittlerock.htm?menu=USAevents3. Accessed on 31 May
                                                                                             2021.]

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(EC/JUNE 2021)                          HISTORY P1 (ADDENDUM)                                    11

 SOURCE 3B

 The following is an interview with Elizabeth Eckford, one of the nine African American
 students who was enrolled at Central High School in 1957.

 The night before the Governor had gone on television and announced that he had called
 out the Arkansas National Guard, I thought he had done this to ensure the protection of
 all students. We did not have a telephone. So inevitably I was not contacted to let me
 know that Daisy Bates of the NAACP had arranged for some ministers to accompany the
 (nine black) students in a group. And so it was that I arrived alone …

 At the corner I tried to pass through the long line of guards around the school so as to
 enter the grounds behind them. One of the guards pointed across the street. So, I pointed
 in the same direction and asked whether he meant for me to cross the street and walk
 down. He nodded ‘yes’. So, I walked across the street, conscious of the crowd that stood
 there, but they moved away from me.

 For a moment all I could hear was the shuffling of the feet. Then someone shouted, ‘Here
 she comes, get ready!’ I moved away from the crowd on the sidewalk and into the street.
 If the mob came at me, I could then cross back over so the guards could protect me. The
 crowd moved in closer and then began to follow me, calling me names. I still wasn’t afraid,
 just a little bit nervous. All the time I kept thinking that the guards would protect me.

 When I got in front of the school, I went up to a guard again. But this time he just looked
 straight ahead and didn’t move to let me pass him. When I tried to squeeze past him, he
 raised his bayonet and then the guards moved in and they raised their bayonets. I turned
 around and the crowd came toward me. Somebody started yelling, ‘Lynch her! Lynch
 her!’ I tried to see a friendly face somewhere in the mob-scene who maybe would help. I
 looked into the face of an old woman and it seemed a kind face, but when I looked at her
 again, she spat on me.

      [From http://spartacus-educational.com/USAlittlerock.htm?menu=USAevents3. Accessed on 31 May
                                                                                             2021.]

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12                                HISTORY P1 (ADDENDUM)                               (EC/JUNE 2021)

  SOURCE 3C

  This photograph shows a young white woman, Hazel Bryan, shouting at Elizabeth
  Eckford while attempting to enter the Central High School yard.

                     [From www.gettyimages.com/photos/elizabeth-eckford. Accessed on 3 June 2021.]

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### Page 13

(EC/JUNE 2021)                       HISTORY P1 (ADDENDUM)                                       13

 SOURCE 3D

 The following extract focuses on the reaction of fellow students to school integration

 Three young girls, barely into their teens, fell in directly behind Elizabeth. They were
 clearly together, and clearly students, two of them, like Elizabeth, carried books. They
 wanted to get close to Elizabeth, close enough to let her know that they didn’t want her
 in their school. It was easy, everyone, the television reporters, the grown-ups in the
 vacant lot across the street, the other kids were either egging (encouraging) them on, or,
 like the soldiers and policemen, paying them no mind. No one was telling them not to do
 anything. ‘Two, four, six, eight! We don’t want to integrate!’ they chanted.

 The girl to Elizabeth’s right, Hazel Bryan, looked livid (furious), her face poisoned with
 hate. As Benjamin Fine of the New York Times later described her, ‘she was screaming,
 just hysterical, just like one of these Elvis Presley hysterical deals, where these kids are
 fainting with hysteria’. Her eyes narrowed, her brow furrowed, her teeth clenched
 (tightened) as if about to bite. Hazel then shouted some more: ‘Go home, nigger! Go back
 to Africa!’ A photographer captured Hazel Bryan shouting these words at Elizabeth
 Eckford and published the photograph on the front page of a local publication called the
 Gazette.

                                     [From Elizabeth and Hazel – Two of Little Rock by D Margolick]

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### Page 14

14                               HISTORY P1 (ADDENDUM)                         (EC/JUNE 2021)

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Visual sources and other historical evidence were taken from the following:

http://www.historytoday.com/david-williamson/berli-flash-point-cold-war-1948-1989

http://www.coldwar.org/article/40s/berlin-blockade.asp

http://history.state.gov/milestones/1945-1952/berlin.airlift

https://fineartamerica.com/featured/cold-war-berlin-d-r-fitzpatrick.html

http://spartacus-educational.com/USAlittlerock.htm?menu=USAevents3.

Elizabeth and Hazel – Two Women of little Rock by D Margolick.

www.gettyimages.com/photos/elizabeth-eckford

Journal of Cold War Studies. Summer 2013, Vol. 15 Issue 3, p4–33. 30p

Mazrui, A. 1993. General History of Africa, Vol. VIII: Africa Since 1935 (Heinemann,
University of California)

Waters, M.A. 2013. Cuba & Angola – Fighting for Africa's Freedom and Our Own
(Pathfinder Press, Johannesburg)

https://spartacus-educational.com/USAhamptonF.htm

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