# History Grade 12 P1 NSC Supplementary 2018 Addendum (Eng)

> Grade 12 History Paper 1 addendum from the NSC Supplementary Exam 2018 (English), 14 pages. Read online or get the free PDF download.

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- Updated: 2026-09-27
- Subject: History
- Grade: Grade 12
- Document type: Addendum
- Year: 2018
- Exam period: NSC Supplementary Exam
- Paper: 1
- Curriculum: CAPS
- Pages: 14

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History · Grade 12 · NSC Supplementary Exam · 2018. Addendum, 14 pages. Read online or download the PDF.

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                                     NATIONAL
                                SENIOR CERTIFICATE

                                      GRADE 12

                                   HISTORY P1

                            FEBRUARY/MARCH 2018

                                   ADDENDUM

                                EXEMPLAR – 2014

                        This addendum consists of 14 pages.

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QUESTION 1: HOW DID THE DEPLOYMENT OF SOVIET MISSILES IN CUBA
            INTENSIFY COLD WAR TENSIONS BETWEEN THE UNITED STATES
            OF AMERICA AND THE SOVIET UNION IN 1962?

SOURCE 1A

The extract below focuses on the relationship that Cuba had with the Soviet Union.

Cuba's ties to the USSR were strengthened by two of Castro's closest advisers – his
brother, Raul Castro, and the legendary revolutionary, Che Guevara. Both men shared
the communist ideology of the Soviets … Castro came to believe that the Americans
would invade Cuba no matter what. This fear drove him into the arms of the Soviets. Soon
the USSR and its allies were providing military aid and weapons to Cuba.

Khrushchev and the Soviets couldn't have asked for a better-located ally against the
United States. The Americans had allies all over the Eastern Hemisphere, surrounding
the USSR. The United States had a huge number of military forces in Europe near Soviet
borders … It was well-known that the United States had nuclear missiles in Turkey, which
were pointed at the Soviet Union.

While the United States had forces surrounding the USSR, the Soviet had no military
presence at all in the Western Hemisphere. They did not even have aircraft carriers to put
their planes within striking distance of the US mainland. But the new alliance between
Cuba and the USSR changed all that, giving Khrushchev and the Soviets a military base
less than 100 miles (161 km) from the United States. After the Soviets moved missiles to
Cuba, the global balance of power would shift. That was something the US government
would not allow.

                                  [From The Cuban Missile Crisis – To the Brink of War by PJ Byrne]

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SOURCE 1B

The source below focuses on how President Kennedy reacted to the deployment of
Soviet missiles in Cuba.

Kennedy and his advisers were debating what to do about the missiles in Cuba.
On Tuesday 16 October, the same morning he learned about the photographs, the
President immediately called for a meeting. Kennedy and his advisers gathered before
noon in the White House cabinet room.

Joining the President in the large room were several intelligence officers, who presented
the photographs and pointed out details showing the missiles. They were found in the
area around San Cristobal, located in western Cuba. The President and his advisers
pored (scrutinised) over the evidence, asking the intelligence officers questions about the
photographs and the missiles. They wondered if there may have been more missiles in
Cuba not seen in these spy photos.

Along with key members of his Cabinet, the President assembled a team of experts to
help him determine what to do. Most of these advisers were part of the President's
administration, but Kennedy also sought the advice of people outside his government who
were experts on Soviet relations. This group became known as the Executive Committee
of the National Security Council, or 'ExComm' for short. … The young President knew he
needed all the advice he could get.

                                  [From The Cuban Missile Crisis – To the Brink of War by PJ Byrne]

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SOURCE 1C

The cartoon below is titled 'Drop it!'. It depicts an eagle attempting to catch a mouse that
is carrying a missile.

       Eagle

      Missile

      Mouse

                                      [From www.plainlocal.org/userfiles/508/classes/1085/Cuban.
                                                                   Accessed on 3 January 2017.]

                                                   'Drop it!'

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SOURCE 1D

This source is an extract from a letter that Andrei Gromyko (Soviet Foreign Minister) wrote
to JF Kennedy (President of the United States of America) on 20 October 1962.
It explains the Soviet Union's position on the deployment of missiles in Cuba.

The Soviet government stands for peaceful coexistence of states with different social
systems, against the interference of one state into the internal affairs of others, and
against the intervention of large states into the affairs of small countries.

It is well known to you, Mr President (Kennedy), the attitude of the Soviet government and
personally, of Nikita Khrushchev toward the dangerous developments connected with the
USA administration position on the issue of Cuba. An unrestrained anti-Cuban campaign
has been going on in the USA for a long time and apparently there is a definite USA
administration policy behind it. Right now the USA is making an attempt to blockade
Cuban trade with other states. There is talk about a possibility of actions of organised
policy in this region under the USA aegis (protection).

… The USA administration for some reason considers that the Cubans must solve their
domestic affairs not at their discretion (choice), but at the discretion of the USA. But on
what grounds? Cuba belongs to the Cuban people, not to the USA or any other state. And
since it is so, then why are there statements made in the USA calling for an invasion of
Cuba? What does the USA need Cuba for?

Who can in earnest believe that Cuba represents a threat to the USA? If we speak about
dimensions and resources of the two countries, the USA and Cuba, then it is clear that
they are a giant and a baby. The flagrant (deliberate) groundlessness (baseless) of such
charges against Cuba is obvious.

                                   [From New Evidence on the Cuban Missile Crisis by J Hershberg]

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QUESTION 2:          HOW DID FOREIGN POWERS INTERVENE IN POST-INDEPENDENT
                     ANGOLA?

SOURCE 2A

This extract focuses on the process of decolonisation in Angola that began in 1975. It was
written by the historian, Alexandra Kaure.

 The transition to independence in Angola was spoiled by violence, division and foreign
 intervention. The armed struggle against the authoritarian and uncompromising
 Portuguese colonial regime started in 1961 and involved three rival movements: Popular
 Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA), National Front for the Liberation of
 Angola (FNLA) and National Union for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA) …
 The hastily (quickly) concluded Alvor Agreement of 15 January 1975, signed between
 the Portuguese government and the three nationalist movements, promised
 independence on 11 November of the same year.

 The Alvor Agreement stated that a transitional government of national unity including the
 three movements and Portugal was put in place and each ministry held by one party
 should have two secretaries of state, one from each of the rival parties …

 Also contained in the Agreement was provision for the establishment of a national army
 consisting of 8 000 men from each movement and 24 000 Portuguese troops, making
 a force of 48 000 in all. The Portuguese troops were to remain in Angola until
 19 February 1976 … Another proviso (point) under Article 40 of the Alvor Agreement
 was that the transitional government must organise general elections to a constituent
 assembly within nine months of 31 January 1975. But these arrangements were not to
 last long.

 By July 1975, the transitional government had collapsed due to mutual distrust among
 the three groups, which had led to outbreaks of fighting.
                                       [From Angola from Socialism to Liberal Reforms by A Kaure]

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SOURCE 2B

The photograph below shows Agostinho Neto (MPLA), Holden Roberto (FNLA)
and Jonas Savimbi (UNITA) in discussion at the Alvor Summit that was held in Portugal.
It was published in the News Diary of Lisbon, a Portuguese newspaper on
15 January 1975.

        Agostinho                 Holden Roberto                   Jonas Savimbi
       Neto (MPLA)                    (FNLA)                          (UNITA)

                            [From http://bcavalaria8423.blogspot.co.za/2015_01_01_archive.html.
                                                               Accessed on 16 November 2016.]

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SOURCE 2C

The extract below explains how foreign powers became involved in Angola during the
mid-1970s. It was written by Victoria Brittain, a journalist who spent ten years working in
Angola.

When the red and black flag with the yellow star representing independent Angola was
raised over Luanda on 11 November 1975, ending the repressive blood-soaked years of
Portuguese colonialism, it was a victory for Africa's liberation movement, but a victory with
a political and emotional resonance (meaning) well beyond the continent … Angola's hard
won independence was a pledge to millions further south on the continent that liberation
of the rest of the continent was possible …

… Angola's natural resources, including oil and diamonds, its size and its strategic
location made it a prize so tempting that the big powers did not for a moment dream of
leaving the future direction to Angolans …

The Americans falsified (made-up) the history of Angola in 1975 to create a Soviet and
Cuban threat to the region which, at the height of the Cold War, had to be countered.
The MPLA, they claimed, never intended to share power with the other two parties and
was planning with the Soviets and Cubans to crush the FNLA and UNITA militarily, giving
the Soviet Union a strategic foothold in a key region of Africa.

The realities were very different. In Washington in January 1975, Henry Kissinger and the
committee of 40 authorised 300 000 dollars for the MPLA's main rival group, the FNLA.
The FNLA leader, Holden Roberto, had been on the CIA payroll since 1961 … the
Americans also stepped up military support for UNITA, and throughout the year
ambushes and assassinations of the MPLA by its two rivals destabilised the country and
made a mockery of power-sharing within the transitional government. And, most
importantly, the Americans gave the nod to Pretoria to mount an ambitious military
adventure …

                                                             [From Death of Dignity by V Brittain]

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SOURCE 2D

This source focuses on what occurred in post-independent Angola. It was written
by General Jannie Geldenhuys (Chief of the South African Defence Force from 1985
to 1990).

In terms of an agreement signed in January 1975 in the Portuguese town of Alvor, the
Portuguese transferred power in Angola to a 'Government of National Unity' …

This interim government was supposed to rule until a general election had been held, with
independence taking place on 11 November, but it did not happen that way. Because of
its own internal problems Portugal could not or would not exert any real influence during
the transition period. The interim government disintegrated and, with the help of Cuban
troops the MPLA, soon became the sole (only) rulers in the capital Luanda. Roberto
(FNLA) and Savimbi (UNITA) took to the bush, from where they declared war on the
MPLA. Soon Angola was a battleground …

It will be remembered that during the 1960s and 1970s and thereafter, the pattern was for
the big powers to take sides and become involved in regional and local conflicts and they
secured the active participation of their allies. The United States of America was the
leader of the West and the Soviet Union of the East and the participation on almost every
continent of the Americans with their allies and the Soviets with theirs is common
knowledge … This is the international 'Cold War' background against which the conflicts
of that time must be seen.

In Angola the Soviet Union, Cuba and various Eastern Bloc countries supported
Augostino Neto and the MPLA. America became involved on the side of Holden Roberto
and the FNLA, who in turn formed an alliance with Jonas Savimbi and UNITA. And so
South Africa, with the war on its doorstep, became part of the anti-Marxist alliance.
                     [From At the Front. A General's Account of South Africa's Border War by J Geldenhuys]

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QUESTION 3:          WHAT IMPACT DID THE BLACK POWER MOVEMENT HAVE ON
                     AFRICAN AMERICANS DURING THE 1960s?
SOURCE 3A

The extract below explains the reasons for the establishment of the Black Power
Movement in the United States of America during the 1960s.

The Black Power Movement grew out of the Civil Rights Movement that had steadily
gained momentum through the 1950s and 1960s. Although not a formal movement, the
Black Power Movement marked a turning point in black-white relations in the United
States and also in how blacks saw themselves. The movement was hailed (welcomed) by
some as a positive and proactive force aimed at helping blacks achieve full equality with
whites, but it was reviled (hated) by others as a militant, sometimes violent faction whose
primary goal was to drive a wedge (division) between whites and blacks. In truth, the
Black Power Movement was a complex event that took place at a time when society and
culture were being transformed throughout the United States, and its legacy reflects that
complexity.

Blacks still faced lower wages than whites, higher crime rates in their neighbourhoods,
and unspoken but palpable (deep) racial discrimination. Young blacks in particular saw
the Civil Rights Movement as too mainstream to generate real social change. What they
wanted was something that would accelerate (quicken) the process and give blacks the
same opportunities as whites, not just socially but also economically and politically.
Perhaps more important, they felt that the Civil Rights Movement was based more on
white perceptions of civil rights than black perceptions.

By the mid-1960s, dissatisfaction with the pace of change was growing among blacks.
The term 'black power' had been around since the 1950s, but it was Stokely Carmichael,
head of the Student Non-violent Co-ordinating Committee (SNCC), who popularised the
term in 1966.

             [From http://www.encyclopedia.com/social-sciences-and-law/sociology-and-social-reform/social-
                                         reform/black-power-movement. Accessed on 18 November 2016.]

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SOURCE 3B

This extract focuses on Stokely Carmichael's views about the philosophy of Black Power.
It is taken from a speech that Carmichael delivered at the University of California,
Berkeley, on 28 July 1966.

When we form coalitions (partnerships) we must say on what grounds we are going to
form them, not white people telling us how to form them. We must build strength and
pride amongst ourselves. We must think politically and get power because we are the
only people in this country that are powerless. We are the only people who have to
protect ourselves from our protectors. We are the only people who want a man called
Willis removed who is a racist, that have to lie down in the street and beg a racist named
Daley to remove the racist named Willis. We have to build a movement so we can see
Daley and say, 'Tell Willis to get hat,' and by the time we turn around he is gone. That's
Black Power.

Everybody in this country is for 'Freedom Now' but not everybody is for Black Power
because we have got to get rid of some of the people who have white power. We have
got to get us some Black Power. We don't control anything but what white people say we
can control. We have to be able to smash any political machine in the country that's
oppressing us and bring it to its knees.

We have to be aware that if we keep growing and multiplying the way we do in ten years
all the major cities are going to be ours. We have to know that in Newark, New Jersey,
where we are sixty per cent of the population, we went along with their stories about
integrating and we got absorbed. All we have to show for it is three councilmen who are
speaking for them and not for us. We have to organise ourselves to speak for each other.
That's Black Power. We have to move to control the economics and politics of our
community …

                 [From:http://www.encyclopedia.com/history/dictionaries-thesauruses-pictures-and-press-
                                               releases/black-power-sp. Accessed 18 November 2016]

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SOURCE 3C

The poster below is an image of Black Power activist and feminist, Angela Davis. Around
the border of the poster the words 'POWER TO THE PEOPLE' are written. These words
have been re-typed for clarity.
                                          TO THE

        POWER                                                                           PEOPLE

                              POWER & EQUALITY
                         [From https://za.pinterest.com/pin/354095589437747057/.
                                                       Accessed on 13 April 2017.]

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SOURCE 3D

The source below explains how the Federal Bureau of Intelligence (FBI) tried to prevent
the Black Power Movement from undertaking its activities.

The FBI set out to eliminate radical black political opposition inside the USA. When
traditional modes of repression (blatant harassment) failed to counter the growing
insurgency (uprising) and even helped to fuel it, the Bureau took the law into its own
hands and secretly used fraud and force to sabotage constitutionally protected political
activity.

The FBI secretly instructed its field offices to propose schemes to misdirect, discredit,
disrupt and otherwise neutralise specific individuals and groups. Close coordination
(working together) with the local police and prosecutors was encouraged.

The most intense operations were directed against the Black Power Movement
particularly the Black Panther Party. This resulted from FBI and police racism. The black
community's lack of material resources for fighting back, and the tendency of the media
and whites in general to ignore or tolerate attacks on black groups, worsened their
situation. It also reflected government and corporate fear of the Black Power Movement
because of its militancy. The Black Panthers came under attack at a time when they
provided free food, free health care and free community-based education. Therefor they
were forced to carry guns.

                                  [From http://blackpast.org/1966-stokely-carmichael-black-power-0.
                                                                    Accessed on 17 February 2017.]

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Visual sources and other historical evidence were taken from the following:

Brittain, V 1998. Death of Dignity (Pluto Press)

Byrne, PJ. 2006. The Cuban Missile Crisis – To the Brink of War (Compass Point Books,
Minneapolis, Minnesota)

Geldenhuys, J. 2009. At the Front. A General's Account of South Africa's Border War
(Jonathan Ball)

Hershberg, JG. 1969. New Evidence on the Cuban Missile Crisis (Cold War International
History Project Bulletin)

http://bcavalaria8423.blogspot.co.za/2015_01_01_archive.html

http://blackpast.org/1966-stokely-carmichael-black-power-0

http://www.encyclopedia.com/history/dictionaries-thesauruses-pictures-and-press-
releases/black-power-sp

http://www.encyclopedia.com/social-sciences-and-law/sociology-and-social-reform/social-
reform/black-power-movement

https://za.pinterest.com/pin/354095589437747057

Kaure, A. 1999. Angola from Socialism to Liberal Reforms, (Southern African Regional
Institute for Policy Studies)

www.plainlocal.org/userfiles/508/classes/1085/Cuban

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