# History Grade 12 P1 NSC June 2012 Question Paper (English)

> Grade 12 History Paper 1 question paper from the NSC June 2012 (English), 10 pages. Read online or get the free PDF download, memo linked when available.

- Page: https://www.hlayiso.com/library/history-p1-hg-english-june-2012-addemdum/76418ff5-87d7-45b5-a0c9-3e36df029da1
- Updated: 2026-09-27
- Subject: History
- Grade: Grade 12
- Language: English
- Document type: Question paper
- Year: 2012
- Exam period: NSC June
- Paper: 1
- Curriculum: CAPS
- Pages: 10

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History · Grade 12 · NSC June · 2012 · English. Question paper, 10 pages. Read online or download the PDF.

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### Page 1

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basic education

Department:
Basic Education
REPUBLIC OF SOUTH AFRICA

SENIOR CERTIFICATE EXAMINATION

HISTORY P41
HIGHER GRADE
2012
ADDENDUM

This addendum consists of 10 pages.

GAUTENG Please turn over

Copyright reserved

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History/HG/P1 2 DBE/2012
SCE — Addendum
QUESTION 4: THE PERIOD 1924 TO 1948

41 HOW SIGNIFICANT WAS THE CENTENARY CELEBRATIONS IN
STRENGTHENING AFRIKANER NATIONALISM IN THE 1930s?

SOURCE 4A

This is an extract, taken from South Africa, 1948-1994 by Rosemary
Mulholland. It focuses on Dr DF Malan's speech at the commemoration of the
battle of Blood River, 1938.

From the late 1930s the Afrikaner leaders set about creating a strong
nationalist identity. On 16 December 1938, on the 100th anniversary of the
victory of Blood River, the steps of the Voortrekkers were traced in a
pilgrimage across South Africa, with gatherings attended by huge crowds.

Dr Malan gave the main address at Blood River. He said that in 1838, by
God's grace and self-sacrifice by the Voortrekkers, Afrikanerdom had
prevailed [triumphed]. Now, he said, Afrikaners faced a new Blood River.

‘In that new Blood River, black and white meet together in much closer
contact and in a much more binding struggle. Today black and white jostle
(push) together in the same labour market. Their [the Voortrekkers] freedom
was also and above all the freedom to preserve themselves as a white race.
You realise today [that] their task to make South Africa a white man's land is
ten times more your task. As a sign of your national pride you are naming
your streets after Voortrekker heroes and demanding that Die Stem van Suid-
Afrika should be recognised as your national anthem. Have you the patriotism
and sufficient power, in this year of celebration, to use this God-given
opportunity also to demand something infinitely more important: the
assurance that white civilisation will be assured?'

SOURCE 4B

The following extract, taken from A History of South Africa by Martin Roberts,
focuses on the significance of the centenary celebrations of Blood River for
Afrikaners.

Even the appeal of Afrikaner nationalism became clear in the enthusiastic
celebrations of the centenary of the Great Trek. Two ox-wagons modelled on
those used in 1838 and accompanied by men and women in Voortrekker
dress left Van Riebeeck's statue in Cape Town in August 1938 and arrived at
the site of the Voortrekker Monument near Pretoria the following December.
Wherever they went, huge crowds gathered. Gideon Roos reported for the
South African Broadcasting Corporation:

'You have no idea what emotion it caused. | saw people in tears because of
this wave of intense patriotism, crystallised around the pride in this romantic
page in our history. We never had a symbol before; the ox-wagon became
that symbol.’

Cop esd A A A Pose um over

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SCE — Addendum
SOURCE 4C
This extract, taken from South Africa 1948-1994 by R Mulholland, focuses on

Solly Sachs who wrote a letter to the organisers of the Blood River Centenary
celebrations and the response he received.

Solly Sachs was General Secretary of the Garment Workers Union. Though
himself a Jew and a Communist, well known for his opposition to the
government's policies of racial segregation, most of his members were
Afrikaner women so he wrote to the centenary celebration organisers and
asked that his union could send a delegation to the celebrations. The
following is the response Solly Sachs received from the organisers of the
centenary celebrations:

'The Afrikaner nation is busy uniting, to mobilise its forces against you and
your sort. The thousands of Afrikaner daughters, which you have in your
clutches, will settle with you ... Our people do not want anything to do with
Communists and Jews, the high priests thereof, least of all. The day when we
Afrikaners begin to settle with you Jews, you will find that Germany is a
Jewish paradise compared with what South Africa will be ...

You ... who all day long, organise and address [Africans], will you dare bring
them along also to the celebrations? They are your fellow-workers and
"Comrades".'

Solly Sachs
addressing a meeting
of the Garment
Workers Union in
Johannesburg

in 1938.

adiaiaaital FAIA OA A A hetaiieal

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SCE — Addendum

QUESTION 5: THE PERIOD 1948 TO 1976

5.1 HOW WAS THE DEATH OF HECTOR PIETERSEN IN THE 1976 SOWETO
UPRISING REPORTED IN THE NEWSPAPERS?

SOURCE 5A

This is an extract from the interview which Clare O'Donoghue, from the
magazine Marie Claire, had with Sam Nzima at the age of 63 in 1998. He was
a photo-journalist for The World newspaper when he took one of the century's
most powerful photographs. This interview was done 22 years after
16 June 1976.

The police was headed by a white man who began waving a stick and
screaming: 'Weg is julle. Ons gee julle drie minute.' (Translation: 'Away with
you. We give you three minutes.') It was very tense. | separated myself from
the crowd and put on a 'press' armband to identify myself. Then the students
started singing Nkosi Sikelel' iAfrika.

‘We're going to shoot,’ he said, and pulled out his handgun. He pointed it
directly at the students and fired two shots. All hell broke loose. He signalled
and other policemen started shooting. Students ran in all directions. | don't
remember how | got out of the firing range and into somebody's house, but |
remember turning and seeing Hector Pietersen fall. He was the first one. |
watched Mbuyisa Makhubu pick him up and start moving towards me, with
Hector's sister Antoinette running beside him. Mbuyisa, his face twisted in
agony [pain], had seen our driver's car and wanted to get Hector to hospital.
As they came down the road, | took six pics, including the famous
photograph. In shock, | found myself working without thinking. People have
since asked why | didn't stop to help Hector, but | was a journalist, | was there
to register what happened.

Mbuyisa put Hector in the car, and they drove to the clinic across the road. |
saw another student with blood streaming from his shoulder — he too had
been shot. One of the students heard the doctor certify Hector dead on arrival
and ran to tell the others. They were outraged [angry] and many began
throwing stones at the police; others burned cars and buildings and looted
bottle stores. Panic spread.

| rolled up my film and gave it to the driver to rush it to the press before the
police confiscated it. | never knew what impact it would have ...

By 3 o'clock that day, my picture of Hector Pietersen was on the front page of
every newspaper, here and overseas. People were shocked. The police
called the editor of The World and told him to send me to John Vorster
Square. They said I'd painted an unfavourable image of South Africa
overseas, telling the world that they were killing children. | never went; | didn't
want to fall from a tenth floor window.

aiialaliaatiiel EIU AGUA A heehee

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Days later, | was told that | shouldn't go home as the police were looking for
me, so | stayed away for a week. My life was in danger, so | resigned from the
press. The following year, my photograph won the Best News Feature of the
Year Award.

It makes me happy to see my work admired all over the world. An enlarged
copy hangs in the United Nations and it's been used to sculpt a statue in
London. That picture captured the moment: it tells the story of June 16", but it
didn't take me to the bank [it didn't make me rich]. In some cases, like in Time
magazine, all it said was it could be used with the courtesy of The World.
Still, I'm proud | made history. It made me something.

SOURCE 5B

This is a photograph taken by the photo journalist, Sam Nzima, on
16 June 1976. It shows Antoinette Pietersen running alongside Mbuyisa
Makhubu who was carrying her dying brother, Hector Pietersen. He was the
first learner to be shot and killed during the Soweto Uprising in 1976.

Copyant resend NAN A Pease tun over

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SOURCE 5C

This was the front page of the Daily Mail, a London newspaper, on
17 June 1976, the day after the Soweto Uprising started. This photograph
was taken by Sam Nzima. It shows Antoinette Pietersen, Mbuyisa Makhubu
and Hector Pietersen.

Conritesoned AA A Pose um over

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SCE — Addendum

QUESTION 6: THE PERIOD 1976 TO 1994

6.1 HOW DID THE RIGHT WING REACT TO THE WHITES ONLY
REFERENDUM OF MARCH 1992?

SOURCE 6A

This is a cartoon by DON, dated 8 October 1992, reflecting political
realignment during the negotiation process. In this cartoon, Nelson Mandela
and FW de Klerk are depicted as dancing a complicated tango, while the
Afrikaner wing, under Andries Treurnicht, is explaining the dance steps to the
homeland leaders such as Lucas Mangope (Bophuthatswana), Oupa Gqozo
(Ciskei) and Mangosuthu Buthelezi (KwaZulu).

LUCAS ROUND THE Waat
WHEE GATED spins Ne.-

The term 'Vastrap' refers to a ... THEN OUPA GRIPS LUCAS
type of dance. "ROUND THE WAIST WHILE
GATSHA SPINS ME ... GATSHA!
PAY ATTENTION OUTJIE.

Copyrant reserved EIU UU OU A A Pease turn over

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SCE — Addendum

SOURCE 6B

This is an extract from an article by Ken Owen, in the Sunday Times of
8 March 1992, under the heading: Face up to it: this will be the parting of the
ways. In this article Owen wants to convince the readers that negotiation will
be the best for their future, therefore they must vote YES in the referendum.

The choice is clear: either we expend our strength, and sacrifice sons and
treasure, in one last, superhuman effort to tear ourselves out of the African
embrace, or we settle down to negotiate and try to create a democracy, a land
so free and secure that its diversity of peoples and cultures will be its glory,
not its cross.

Either way, we face uncertainty. It takes no great imagination to perceive that
democracy may well fail, ... it takes even less imagination to perceive that a
‘white’ mini-state could not stand for long against the whole world ...

Unhappily the campaign has not so far clarified the choice, nor even defined
it. Instead of answering the questions of the voters, the politicians indulge in
an orgy [scenario] of doom saying, and they try to frighten people out of their
wits.

Dr Andries Treurnicht, having refused to join CODESA, talks of negotiating
with black people for a separate homeland for whites. He is talking expedient
[sheer] nonsense, and he knows it. From Verwoerd to Botha, Nationalist
leaders have tried to engage blacks in such negotiations, and failed.

Neither police, nor the army, nor passes, nor electric fences, nor fierce laws,
nor brutality, nor murder in the police cells, nor nuclear technology, nor G-5's,
nor SASOL, nor anything else has succeeded in keeping any corner of the
land 'white’. As the latest census reminds us, the only way to escape the
presence of black people is to emigrate ...

We can negotiate now from strength; later we shall be weaker. The white
population is dwindling, its schools running empty for lack of pupils, its
policemen and soldiers stretched to patrol either the borders or the suburbs.

The old South Africa is dead. The white racial oligarchy [minority] is collapsing
under the weight of its own follies, its corruption, its lies. The social problems
which afflict [affect] us today — inflation, economic stagnation, squatting,
crime, insecurity — are the results of so many years of wasting our strength
and our wealth in the vain attempt to sustain an unsustainable 'way of life’.

Dr Treurnicht and his men deal with none of these questions. With the
exception of the preposterous (unbelievable) Dr Ferdi Hartzenberg, who
clings to the failed Verwoerdian formula, they will not even tell us where the
new ‘white' state will lie, nor how it will function, nor who will defend it. They
are anti-intellectual, and they play on the ignorance of their followers who,
they hope, are ready to be blindly led.

Cont none 0 Pte

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SOURCE 6C

This is an extract from a report by Charles Leonard of the Sunday Times
under the heading: Terror warning as masked Ystergarde come into the open
(2 February 1992). At this rally in Ventersdorp, Terre’ Blanche was trying to,
with a show of force, derail the CODESA talks and assure his followers that
South Africa will stay in white hands.

The AWB staged a show of strength in Ventersdorp yesterday as a senior
police source warned that a new wave of right-wing terror attacks was
expected to precede the next round of CODESA [Convention for a
Democratic South Africa].

In one of his most militant speeches to date, AWB leader Eugene Terre'
Blanche claimed that the AWB could ‘bring the country to a standstill’. 'We
could tell shift bosses not to go underground and leave 300 blacks stranded
there. We could also tell Eskom controllers to switch off the lights to leave the
night as dark as Africa,’ he said.

Yesterday's parade was also the first public display of the AWB's armed wing,
the Ystergarde, who marched through the town in black battledress and
balaclavas. Mr Terre' Blanche said: 'The Ystergarde is no circus. They are
here to be used and the AWB will not be ‘donnered' [pushed] around.'

Chief instructor Keith Conroy said the Ystergarde could be likened to Adolf
Hitler's SS, and could be mobilised ‘tomorrow’ if necessary. 'Most of them
have been trained in the SADF's [South African Defence Force] elite forces,
but they are more committed to their cause — that of white self-determination
— than any member of the defence force,’ he said.

... Mr Terre’ Blanche warned that the right-wing was uniting to destroy
CODESA. 'We will form a joint offensive with the CP and the HNP to do so,’
he told about 1 200 supporters. The march through Ventersdorp was led by
36 members of the Ystergarde, followed by 400 Wenkommando members in
khaki. Racial tension was high and AWB members in cars and bakkies
chanted racist slogans and songs at black shoppers.

Earlier in the week, an SAP officer investigating right-wing activity said the
right-wing threat was being viewed ‘in a serious light'. ‘They tend to link their
attacks to specific events, and CODESA 2 is likely to produce a new spate of
bombings,' he said.

The officer said known right-wing cells were being closely monitored, and a
breakthrough was expected soon in respect of two active terror cells — one in
the Western Transvaal and the other in the Eastern Cape ...

He said estimates placed between 9 000 and 10 000 members in the AWB's

Wenkommando, with another 4 000 right-wingers in the Boerekommando. At
the opposite end of the spectrum, MK (ANC) could muster an estimated 7 000
trained soldiers, while the PAC's military wing, APLA, had far fewer members.

Cony reseed NA. AA Pease um ovr

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SCE — Addendum

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Extracts and visual sources used in this addendum were taken from the following
publications:

ANC (n.d.) What Can | Do? — A Guide to Action Against Apartheid (Amsterdam: World Assembly of
Youth)

Beinart, W. 1994. Twentieth Century South Africa (Oxford: University Press)

Berry, A. 1989. Act by Act — 40 Years of Nationalist Rule in South Africa (Johannesburg: Lowry)

BOPG. 1953. Agter Tralies en Doringdraad (Stellenbosch: Pro Ecclesia)

Bottaro, J and Visser, P. 1999. In Search of History Grade 12 (Cape Town: Oxford University Press)
Brickhill, J. 1991. South Africa — The End of Apartheid? (London: Aladdin)

Callinicos, L. 1993. A Place in the City - The Rand on the Eve of Apartheid (Cape Town: Ravan &
Maskew Miller Longman)

Cameron-Dow, J. 1994. South Africa 1990-1994. The Miracle of a Freed Nation (Cape Town: Don
Nelson)

Danziger, C. South African History 1910-1970 (Cape Town: Oxford University Press)

Davenport, TRH. 1987. South Africa: A Modern History (Bergvlei: Southern Book Publishers)

Dugmore, H et al (ed.). 1999. Nelson Mandela — A Life in Cartoons (Cape Town: David Philip)

Du Toit, D. 1981. Capital and Labour in South Africa (London: Kegan Paul)

Fenwick, J and Rosenhain, C. 1991. South Africa; From Settlement to Self-Determination (Melbourne:
Oxford University Press)

Frederikse, J. 1987. South Africa — A Different Kind of War (London: James Currey)

Govender, SP et al. 2003. New Generation History Study Guide Grade 12 (Musgrave: New Generation)
Govender, SP et al. 2004. New Generation History Grade 12 (Musgrave: New Generation)

Graves, FE and Viglieno, E. 2001. History for Today Grade 12 (Landsdowne: Juta Gariep)

Institute for Justice and Reconciliation 2004. Turning Points in History Series Books 4-6
(Johannesburg: STE Publishers)

Joyce, P. 1990. The Rise and Fall of Apartheid (Cape Town: Struik)

Kerfoot, C. (ed.). We Came to Town (Johannesburg: Ravan)

Lewsen, P. 1988. Voices of Protest - From Segregation to Apartheid (Johannesburg: AD Donker)
McMahon P and Schulman, E. X-Kit History HG and SG Grade 12 (Cape Town: Maskew Miller
Longman)

Mermelstein, D. 1987. The Anti-Apartheid Reader (New York: Grove)

Ministry of Education 2004. Every step of the way: The journey to freedom in South Africa (Cape Town:
HSRC Press)

Mulholland, R. 1998. South Africa 1948-1994

New Nation Publication April 16—April 22 1993

Nuttal, T et al. From Apartheid to Democracy (Pietermaritzburg: Shuter & Shooter)

Pampallis, J. 1997. Foundations of the New South Africa (Cape Town: Maskew Miller Longman)

Pape, J et al. 1998. Making History Standard 10 Grade 12 (Johannesburg: Heinemann)

Pike, HR. 1985. A History of Communism in South Africa (Pretoria: Sigma)

Roberts, M. 1993. A History of South Africa (Essex: Longman)

Seleti, Y (series ed.) Looking into the Past Grade 12 (Cape Town: Maskew Miller Longman)

Suttner Raymond (n.d.) The Freedom Charter — The People's Charter in the Nineteen-Eighties (Paper
delivered at the University of Cape Town)

The Poster Book Collective: South African History Archive. 1991. Images of Defiance (Johannesburg:
Raven Press)

Copriht reseed NAN 0

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