History Grade 12 P1 NSC June 2012 Question Paper (English)

Downloaded from hlayiso.com basic education Department: Basic Education REPUBLIC OF SOUTH AFRICA SENIOR CERTIFICATE EXAMINATION HISTORY P41 HIGHER GRADE 2012 ADDENDUM This addendum consists of 10 pages. GAUTENG Please turn over Copyright reserved

Downloaded from hlayiso.com History/HG/P1 2 DBE/2012 SCE — Addendum QUESTION 4: THE PERIOD 1924 TO 1948 41 HOW SIGNIFICANT WAS THE CENTENARY CELEBRATIONS IN STRENGTHENING AFRIKANER NATIONALISM IN THE 1930s? SOURCE 4A This is an extract, taken from South Africa, 1948-1994 by Rosemary Mulholland. It focuses on Dr DF Malan's speech at the commemoration of the battle of Blood River, 1938. From the late 1930s the Afrikaner leaders set about creating a strong nationalist identity. On 16 December 1938, on the 100th anniversary of the victory of Blood River, the steps of the Voortrekkers were traced in a pilgrimage across South Africa, with gatherings attended by huge crowds. Dr Malan gave the main address at Blood River. He said that in 1838, by God's grace and self-sacrifice by the Voortrekkers, Afrikanerdom had prevailed [triumphed]. Now, he said, Afrikaners faced a new Blood River. ‘In that new Blood River, black and white meet together in much closer contact and in a much more binding struggle. Today black and white jostle (push) together in the same labour market. Their [the Voortrekkers] freedom was also and above all the freedom to preserve themselves as a white race. You realise today [that] their task to make South Africa a white man's land is ten times more your task. As a sign of your national pride you are naming your streets after Voortrekker heroes and demanding that Die Stem van Suid- Afrika should be recognised as your national anthem. Have you the patriotism and sufficient power, in this year of celebration, to use this God-given opportunity also to demand something infinitely more important: the assurance that white civilisation will be assured?' SOURCE 4B The following extract, taken from A History of South Africa by Martin Roberts, focuses on the significance of the centenary celebrations of Blood River for Afrikaners. Even the appeal of Afrikaner nationalism became clear in the enthusiastic celebrations of the centenary of the Great Trek. Two ox-wagons modelled on those used in 1838 and accompanied by men and women in Voortrekker dress left Van Riebeeck's statue in Cape Town in August 1938 and arrived at the site of the Voortrekker Monument near Pretoria the following December. Wherever they went, huge crowds gathered. Gideon Roos reported for the South African Broadcasting Corporation: 'You have no idea what emotion it caused. | saw people in tears because of this wave of intense patriotism, crystallised around the pride in this romantic page in our history. We never had a symbol before; the ox-wagon became that symbol.’ Cop esd A A A Pose um over

Downloaded from hlayiso.com History/HG/P1 3 DBE/2012 SCE — Addendum SOURCE 4C This extract, taken from South Africa 1948-1994 by R Mulholland, focuses on Solly Sachs who wrote a letter to the organisers of the Blood River Centenary celebrations and the response he received. Solly Sachs was General Secretary of the Garment Workers Union. Though himself a Jew and a Communist, well known for his opposition to the government's policies of racial segregation, most of his members were Afrikaner women so he wrote to the centenary celebration organisers and asked that his union could send a delegation to the celebrations. The following is the response Solly Sachs received from the organisers of the centenary celebrations: 'The Afrikaner nation is busy uniting, to mobilise its forces against you and your sort. The thousands of Afrikaner daughters, which you have in your clutches, will settle with you ... Our people do not want anything to do with Communists and Jews, the high priests thereof, least of all. The day when we Afrikaners begin to settle with you Jews, you will find that Germany is a Jewish paradise compared with what South Africa will be ... You ... who all day long, organise and address [Africans], will you dare bring them along also to the celebrations? They are your fellow-workers and "Comrades".' Solly Sachs addressing a meeting of the Garment Workers Union in Johannesburg in 1938. adiaiaaital FAIA OA A A hetaiieal

Downloaded from hlayiso.com History/HG/P1 4 DBE/2012 SCE — Addendum QUESTION 5: THE PERIOD 1948 TO 1976 5.1 HOW WAS THE DEATH OF HECTOR PIETERSEN IN THE 1976 SOWETO UPRISING REPORTED IN THE NEWSPAPERS? SOURCE 5A This is an extract from the interview which Clare O'Donoghue, from the magazine Marie Claire, had with Sam Nzima at the age of 63 in 1998. He was a photo-journalist for The World newspaper when he took one of the century's most powerful photographs. This interview was done 22 years after 16 June 1976. The police was headed by a white man who began waving a stick and screaming: 'Weg is julle. Ons gee julle drie minute.' (Translation: 'Away with you. We give you three minutes.') It was very tense. | separated myself from the crowd and put on a 'press' armband to identify myself. Then the students started singing Nkosi Sikelel' iAfrika. ‘We're going to shoot,’ he said, and pulled out his handgun. He pointed it directly at the students and fired two shots. All hell broke loose. He signalled and other policemen started shooting. Students ran in all directions. | don't remember how | got out of the firing range and into somebody's house, but | remember turning and seeing Hector Pietersen fall. He was the first one. | watched Mbuyisa Makhubu pick him up and start moving towards me, with Hector's sister Antoinette running beside him. Mbuyisa, his face twisted in agony [pain], had seen our driver's car and wanted to get Hector to hospital. As they came down the road, | took six pics, including the famous photograph. In shock, | found myself working without thinking. People have since asked why | didn't stop to help Hector, but | was a journalist, | was there to register what happened. Mbuyisa put Hector in the car, and they drove to the clinic across the road. | saw another student with blood streaming from his shoulder — he too had been shot. One of the students heard the doctor certify Hector dead on arrival and ran to tell the others. They were outraged [angry] and many began throwing stones at the police; others burned cars and buildings and looted bottle stores. Panic spread. | rolled up my film and gave it to the driver to rush it to the press before the police confiscated it. | never knew what impact it would have ... By 3 o'clock that day, my picture of Hector Pietersen was on the front page of every newspaper, here and overseas. People were shocked. The police called the editor of The World and told him to send me to John Vorster Square. They said I'd painted an unfavourable image of South Africa overseas, telling the world that they were killing children. | never went; | didn't want to fall from a tenth floor window. aiialaliaatiiel EIU AGUA A heehee

Downloaded from hlayiso.com History/HG/P1 5 DBE/2012 SCE — Addendum Days later, | was told that | shouldn't go home as the police were looking for me, so | stayed away for a week. My life was in danger, so | resigned from the press. The following year, my photograph won the Best News Feature of the Year Award. It makes me happy to see my work admired all over the world. An enlarged copy hangs in the United Nations and it's been used to sculpt a statue in London. That picture captured the moment: it tells the story of June 16", but it didn't take me to the bank [it didn't make me rich]. In some cases, like in Time magazine, all it said was it could be used with the courtesy of The World. Still, I'm proud | made history. It made me something. SOURCE 5B This is a photograph taken by the photo journalist, Sam Nzima, on 16 June 1976. It shows Antoinette Pietersen running alongside Mbuyisa Makhubu who was carrying her dying brother, Hector Pietersen. He was the first learner to be shot and killed during the Soweto Uprising in 1976. Copyant resend NAN A Pease tun over

Downloaded from hlayiso.com History/HG/P1 6 DBE/2012 SCE — Addendum SOURCE 5C This was the front page of the Daily Mail, a London newspaper, on 17 June 1976, the day after the Soweto Uprising started. This photograph was taken by Sam Nzima. It shows Antoinette Pietersen, Mbuyisa Makhubu and Hector Pietersen. Conritesoned AA A Pose um over

Downloaded from hlayiso.com History/HG/P1 Z DBE/2012 SCE — Addendum QUESTION 6: THE PERIOD 1976 TO 1994 6.1 HOW DID THE RIGHT WING REACT TO THE WHITES ONLY REFERENDUM OF MARCH 1992? SOURCE 6A This is a cartoon by DON, dated 8 October 1992, reflecting political realignment during the negotiation process. In this cartoon, Nelson Mandela and FW de Klerk are depicted as dancing a complicated tango, while the Afrikaner wing, under Andries Treurnicht, is explaining the dance steps to the homeland leaders such as Lucas Mangope (Bophuthatswana), Oupa Gqozo (Ciskei) and Mangosuthu Buthelezi (KwaZulu). LUCAS ROUND THE Waat WHEE GATED spins Ne.- The term 'Vastrap' refers to a ... THEN OUPA GRIPS LUCAS type of dance. "ROUND THE WAIST WHILE GATSHA SPINS ME ... GATSHA! PAY ATTENTION OUTJIE. Copyrant reserved EIU UU OU A A Pease turn over

Downloaded from hlayiso.com History/HG/P1 8 DBE/2012 SCE — Addendum SOURCE 6B This is an extract from an article by Ken Owen, in the Sunday Times of 8 March 1992, under the heading: Face up to it: this will be the parting of the ways. In this article Owen wants to convince the readers that negotiation will be the best for their future, therefore they must vote YES in the referendum. The choice is clear: either we expend our strength, and sacrifice sons and treasure, in one last, superhuman effort to tear ourselves out of the African embrace, or we settle down to negotiate and try to create a democracy, a land so free and secure that its diversity of peoples and cultures will be its glory, not its cross. Either way, we face uncertainty. It takes no great imagination to perceive that democracy may well fail, ... it takes even less imagination to perceive that a ‘white’ mini-state could not stand for long against the whole world ... Unhappily the campaign has not so far clarified the choice, nor even defined it. Instead of answering the questions of the voters, the politicians indulge in an orgy [scenario] of doom saying, and they try to frighten people out of their wits. Dr Andries Treurnicht, having refused to join CODESA, talks of negotiating with black people for a separate homeland for whites. He is talking expedient [sheer] nonsense, and he knows it. From Verwoerd to Botha, Nationalist leaders have tried to engage blacks in such negotiations, and failed. Neither police, nor the army, nor passes, nor electric fences, nor fierce laws, nor brutality, nor murder in the police cells, nor nuclear technology, nor G-5's, nor SASOL, nor anything else has succeeded in keeping any corner of the land 'white’. As the latest census reminds us, the only way to escape the presence of black people is to emigrate ... We can negotiate now from strength; later we shall be weaker. The white population is dwindling, its schools running empty for lack of pupils, its policemen and soldiers stretched to patrol either the borders or the suburbs. The old South Africa is dead. The white racial oligarchy [minority] is collapsing under the weight of its own follies, its corruption, its lies. The social problems which afflict [affect] us today — inflation, economic stagnation, squatting, crime, insecurity — are the results of so many years of wasting our strength and our wealth in the vain attempt to sustain an unsustainable 'way of life’. Dr Treurnicht and his men deal with none of these questions. With the exception of the preposterous (unbelievable) Dr Ferdi Hartzenberg, who clings to the failed Verwoerdian formula, they will not even tell us where the new ‘white' state will lie, nor how it will function, nor who will defend it. They are anti-intellectual, and they play on the ignorance of their followers who, they hope, are ready to be blindly led. Cont none 0 Pte

Downloaded from hlayiso.com History/HG/P1 9 DBE/2012 SCE - Addendum SOURCE 6C This is an extract from a report by Charles Leonard of the Sunday Times under the heading: Terror warning as masked Ystergarde come into the open (2 February 1992). At this rally in Ventersdorp, Terre’ Blanche was trying to, with a show of force, derail the CODESA talks and assure his followers that South Africa will stay in white hands. The AWB staged a show of strength in Ventersdorp yesterday as a senior police source warned that a new wave of right-wing terror attacks was expected to precede the next round of CODESA [Convention for a Democratic South Africa]. In one of his most militant speeches to date, AWB leader Eugene Terre' Blanche claimed that the AWB could ‘bring the country to a standstill’. 'We could tell shift bosses not to go underground and leave 300 blacks stranded there. We could also tell Eskom controllers to switch off the lights to leave the night as dark as Africa,’ he said. Yesterday's parade was also the first public display of the AWB's armed wing, the Ystergarde, who marched through the town in black battledress and balaclavas. Mr Terre' Blanche said: 'The Ystergarde is no circus. They are here to be used and the AWB will not be ‘donnered' [pushed] around.' Chief instructor Keith Conroy said the Ystergarde could be likened to Adolf Hitler's SS, and could be mobilised ‘tomorrow’ if necessary. 'Most of them have been trained in the SADF's [South African Defence Force] elite forces, but they are more committed to their cause — that of white self-determination — than any member of the defence force,’ he said. ... Mr Terre’ Blanche warned that the right-wing was uniting to destroy CODESA. 'We will form a joint offensive with the CP and the HNP to do so,’ he told about 1 200 supporters. The march through Ventersdorp was led by 36 members of the Ystergarde, followed by 400 Wenkommando members in khaki. Racial tension was high and AWB members in cars and bakkies chanted racist slogans and songs at black shoppers. Earlier in the week, an SAP officer investigating right-wing activity said the right-wing threat was being viewed ‘in a serious light'. ‘They tend to link their attacks to specific events, and CODESA 2 is likely to produce a new spate of bombings,' he said. The officer said known right-wing cells were being closely monitored, and a breakthrough was expected soon in respect of two active terror cells — one in the Western Transvaal and the other in the Eastern Cape ... He said estimates placed between 9 000 and 10 000 members in the AWB's Wenkommando, with another 4 000 right-wingers in the Boerekommando. At the opposite end of the spectrum, MK (ANC) could muster an estimated 7 000 trained soldiers, while the PAC's military wing, APLA, had far fewer members. Cony reseed NA. AA Pease um ovr

Downloaded from hlayiso.com History/HG/P1 10 DBE/2012 SCE — Addendum ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Extracts and visual sources used in this addendum were taken from the following publications: ANC (n.d.) What Can | Do? — A Guide to Action Against Apartheid (Amsterdam: World Assembly of Youth) Beinart, W. 1994. Twentieth Century South Africa (Oxford: University Press) Berry, A. 1989. Act by Act — 40 Years of Nationalist Rule in South Africa (Johannesburg: Lowry) BOPG. 1953. Agter Tralies en Doringdraad (Stellenbosch: Pro Ecclesia) Bottaro, J and Visser, P. 1999. In Search of History Grade 12 (Cape Town: Oxford University Press) Brickhill, J. 1991. South Africa — The End of Apartheid? (London: Aladdin) Callinicos, L. 1993. A Place in the City - The Rand on the Eve of Apartheid (Cape Town: Ravan & Maskew Miller Longman) Cameron-Dow, J. 1994. South Africa 1990-1994. The Miracle of a Freed Nation (Cape Town: Don Nelson) Danziger, C. South African History 1910-1970 (Cape Town: Oxford University Press) Davenport, TRH. 1987. South Africa: A Modern History (Bergvlei: Southern Book Publishers) Dugmore, H et al (ed.). 1999. Nelson Mandela — A Life in Cartoons (Cape Town: David Philip) Du Toit, D. 1981. Capital and Labour in South Africa (London: Kegan Paul) Fenwick, J and Rosenhain, C. 1991. South Africa; From Settlement to Self-Determination (Melbourne: Oxford University Press) Frederikse, J. 1987. South Africa — A Different Kind of War (London: James Currey) Govender, SP et al. 2003. New Generation History Study Guide Grade 12 (Musgrave: New Generation) Govender, SP et al. 2004. New Generation History Grade 12 (Musgrave: New Generation) Graves, FE and Viglieno, E. 2001. History for Today Grade 12 (Landsdowne: Juta Gariep) Institute for Justice and Reconciliation 2004. Turning Points in History Series Books 4-6 (Johannesburg: STE Publishers) Joyce, P. 1990. The Rise and Fall of Apartheid (Cape Town: Struik) Kerfoot, C. (ed.). We Came to Town (Johannesburg: Ravan) Lewsen, P. 1988. Voices of Protest - From Segregation to Apartheid (Johannesburg: AD Donker) McMahon P and Schulman, E. X-Kit History HG and SG Grade 12 (Cape Town: Maskew Miller Longman) Mermelstein, D. 1987. The Anti-Apartheid Reader (New York: Grove) Ministry of Education 2004. Every step of the way: The journey to freedom in South Africa (Cape Town: HSRC Press) Mulholland, R. 1998. South Africa 1948-1994 New Nation Publication April 16—April 22 1993 Nuttal, T et al. From Apartheid to Democracy (Pietermaritzburg: Shuter & Shooter) Pampallis, J. 1997. Foundations of the New South Africa (Cape Town: Maskew Miller Longman) Pape, J et al. 1998. Making History Standard 10 Grade 12 (Johannesburg: Heinemann) Pike, HR. 1985. A History of Communism in South Africa (Pretoria: Sigma) Roberts, M. 1993. A History of South Africa (Essex: Longman) Seleti, Y (series ed.) Looking into the Past Grade 12 (Cape Town: Maskew Miller Longman) Suttner Raymond (n.d.) The Freedom Charter — The People's Charter in the Nineteen-Eighties (Paper delivered at the University of Cape Town) The Poster Book Collective: South African History Archive. 1991. Images of Defiance (Johannesburg: Raven Press) Copriht reseed NAN 0