History Grade 12 P2 Gauteng Mock 2021 Addendum (English)

Downloaded from hlayiso.com GAUTENG DEPARTMENT OF EDUCATION PREPARATORY EXAMINATION 2021 10792 HISTORY PAPER 2 ADDENDUM 14 pages P.T.O.

Downloaded from hlayiso.com HISTORY ADDENDUM 2 (Paper 2) 10792/21 QUESTION 1: HOW DID CIVIL SOCIETY ORGANISATIONS REACT TO THE NATIONAL PARTY’S REFORMS OF THE APARTHEID POLICY IN SOUTH AFRICA IN THE 1980s? SOURCE 1A The extract below focuses on the establishment of the United Democratic Front. It was established because of the apartheid policies which were introduced in the early 1980s. The most important and truly original organisational expression of popular resistance in the 1980s was the United Democratic Front (UDF), which was formed in 1983 initially ostensibly (seemingly) to mobilise opposition to the state’s constitutional proposals and other legislation (known collectively as the Koornhof Bills), including the Black Local Authorities Act. The UDF brought together under its umbrella a coalition of civic associations, student organisations and youth congresses, women’s groups, trade unions, church societies, sports clubs and a multitude of organisations which retained, and often increased because of their affiliation to the UDF, their ability to organise independently. At its peak it claimed it had around 700 affiliates grouped in 10 regional areas and amounting to a total of over two million people. With the upsurge (increase) of township unrest beginning in earnest (seriousness) in 1984, it was the young people of the townships who provided the main impetus (motivation) behind the struggle, while the leadership passed over to the Trade Unions in 1988. In one important respect at least, the UDF managed to build on the experience of township-based organisations such as civic associations, in that it successfully combined local and national grievances. The first phase of the UDF followed its activity to oppose elections to the Tricameral Parliament and the Koornhof Bills. But soon after August 1984, opposition political activity shifted to struggles initiated by local communities and became concerned with basic issues affecting township life. This inaugurated (initiated) its second phase. The mass upsurge started in earnest in September 1984 and took the form of bus and rent boycotts, housing movements, squatter revolts, labour strikes, school protests and community stay-aways. [From: https://libcom.org/library/peoples-politics-state-politics-aspects-national-liberation-south- africa-1984-1994.] P.T.O.

Downloaded from hlayiso.com HISTORY ADDENDUM 3 (Paper 2) 10792/21 SOURCE 1B The following extract is about the reaction of churches towards the state’s repression in the 1980s. The South African Council of Churches (SACC), an interdenominational (inclusive faith) forum of churches, was prominent in fighting for social justice, and challenged the apartheid laws during the years of struggle in South Africa. Its leaders were amongst others, Desmond Tutu, Beyers Naudé and Frank Chikane. In the SACC the ideas of Liberation Theology, which originated in Latin America in the 1960s, became popular in the 1980s. The Christian message was interpreted as a means of liberating the poor, using direct political action against unjust laws that were imposed through the structural (physical) violence of the police and the army. In 1985, SACC theologians issued the Kairos Document (Moment of Truth). The Kairos Document called for the church to stand up for the poor and the oppressed and stand up against the injustices of apartheid. The document said Christians should serve the needs of the struggle for liberation and mobilise its members to work and plan for a change in government. It also supported civil disobedience. Speaking at a World Council of Churches session in Harare in December 1985, Bishop Tutu tackled the impatience of the youth regarding the lack of social change which the church was unable to provide: "We who want a peaceful solution are rapidly becoming an irrelevancy. We talk with words and they (the government) reply with bullets. This is why I have said, if I was young, I would have rejected Bishop Tutu long ago." [From: https://www.sahistory.org.za/article/liberation-organisations] P.T.O.

Downloaded from hlayiso.com HISTORY ADDENDUM 4 (Paper 2) 10792/21 SOURCE 1C The source below outlines the reaction of civic associations towards the oppressive laws of the National Party. The area committees were represented on a township-wide co-ordinating committee. These co-ordinating committees usually began defensively, to protect the community from state repression and sometimes crime. However, in many areas these structures laid the basis for innovative (creative), pro-active development strategies. This network of social movements began to break down apartheid-imposed structures and recreate communities according to democratic principles. Many community struggles developed in protest against apartheid regulation of basic urban necessities such as housing, land, services (such as water and sewerage), transport, health care, child-care and education. This struggle clashed head-on with local government structures, which are notoriously corrupt, elected on extremely low polls (where elections took place at all), administratively inefficient and fiscally (financially) unviable. Protests began on a small scale via petitions, representations and press statements. When authorities ignored these representations, wider collective resources were mobilised in marches, stayaways, boycott action and so forth. Inevitably, such actions were met by harsh security force action, in turn triggering the familiar cycle of protest-repression-violence-counter-violence. The States of Emergency, first declared in 1985 and lasting effectively until mid-1989, were clearly aimed at destroying these grassroots social movements. Meetings and organisations were banned, activists detained and jailed, and army troops patrolled township streets. [From: https://www.saha.org.za/imagesofdefinace/community_azikhwelwa.htm.] P.T.O.

Downloaded from hlayiso.com HISTORY ADDENDUM 5 (Paper 2) 10792/21 SOURCE 1D The following source shows the results of the States of Emergency in South Africa from 1985. During a State of Emergency, the state had special powers and bypassed normal laws that protected human and civil rights. HARASSMENT!!! BOTHA’S REFORM S WE WILL NOT BE SILENCED [From: https://www.sahistory.org.za/sites/default/files/poster738.jpg.] P.T.O.

Downloaded from hlayiso.com HISTORY ADDENDUM 6 (Paper 2) 10792/21 QUESTION 2: HOW DID THE TRUTH AND RECONCILIATION COMMISSION (TRC) DEAL WITH THE PROCESS OF REPARATIONS? SOURCE 2A This extract was written by Desmond Tutu, the chairperson of the TRC. It focuses on the reasons for the establishment of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission in 1995. At the first gathering of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, on Reconciliation day in 1995, I spoke at some length of the importance of political impartiality (fairness) of the process if it were to succeed. This was not the pious (sincere/moral) pleading to the priest; it was the Truth Commission’s legal mandate. Ours was not to judge the morality of people’s actions, but to act as an incubation (growth) chamber of national healing, reconciliation and forgiveness. We were a wounded people, all of us because of the conflict of the past. No matter on which side we stood, we were all in need of healing. As members of the commission, we were ourselves, wounded healers. The commission had three tangible tasks, to establish as complete a picture as possible of the causes, nature and extent of gross violations of human rights perpetrated between 1960 and 1994 by conducting investigations and creating dignified platforms for victims and perpetrators of human rights violations to tell their stories; to grant amnesty to qualifying perpetrators of human rights violations; and to make recommendations to government on reparations. It also had a broader and less tangible (touchable) responsibility to contribute to the development of a fundamentally new, compassionate, fair, just and moral society. “The objectives of the commission shall be to promote national unity and reconciliation in a spirit of understanding which transcends (rises above) the conflicts and divisions of the past,” the Promotion of National Unity and Reconciliation Act of 1995 stated. “We are privileged to be on this commission. I told my new team of commissioners to assist our land and our people to come to terms with our dark past once and for all.” The structure of South Africa’s Truth Commission, and the principles that underpinned (supported) its work, were feted (honoured) and copied in many other countries. [From: https://mg.co.za/article/2014-04-24-unfinished-business-of the-trc-healing.] P.T.O.

Downloaded from hlayiso.com HISTORY ADDENDUM 7 (Paper 2) 10792/21 SOURCE 2B The source below, an article by B. Hamber and B. Dishington, focuses on the responses to the Truth and Reconciliation Commission’s reparations policy. The last few weeks have seen a flurry (flood) of media reports on the Truth and Reconciliation Commission’s reparations policy. Victims who testified before the TRC accused them of moving too slowly on the TRC’s recommendations. The government blames the TRC for not spending all the money allocated to the reparations budget. Whichever way we look at it, the victims are getting a raw deal. They have been victimised by what happened to them in the past and have had to watch perpetrators getting amnesty. They waited for two and a half years for so-called urgent interim (temporary) payments, which on average, amount to a little more than R3 500 for violations such as murder and rape. To make matters worse, the TRC’s long-term reparations recommendations tabled in October 1998, still await substantial (important) discussion that moves beyond political posturing (bullying) towards exploring feasible (possible) options. The right to reparation for wrongful acts has long been recognised as a fundamental principle of law, essential to the functioning of legal systems. Reparation is recognised under international treaties and customary law in decisions by the United Nations Human Rights and National Law and Practice, as well as in several other international treaties. Recent developments suggest that soon, reparation will become an international standard, not just a principle. Therefore, if reparations are not granted to victims in the long run, and let us hope this is not the case, it may be possible for them to test whether this would contravene (defy) South Africa’s obligations. [From: Sunday Independent] P.T.O.

Downloaded from hlayiso.com HISTORY ADDENDUM 8 (Paper 2) 10792/21 SOURCE 2C The source below explains how victims of apartheid demanded R1m each in reparations. A crowd of victims of apartheid gathered at the Union Buildings in Pretoria on Tuesday, demanding an urgent meeting with President Cyril Ramaphosa. The group of aged people, with many using crutches to help them walk, was led by activist Nomarussia Bonase of the Khulumani Support Group – an organisation which supports apartheid-era victims and activists. "We are from Gauteng but what we have brought here is a mandate and the demands of the Khulumani Support Group nationally. It is now 25 years and we are still on this journey, trying to bring our government in to talk about our demands. We are a wounded society. We were wounded by apartheid. After 1994, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) was formed, and that commission was meant to bring peace, rebuild and restore the dignity of humans violated by apartheid," Bonase told African News Agency. "During the TRC, people who were victims of apartheid said they needed reparation … The TRC came up with a recommendation that victims and their families should be given individual reparations. They recommended a package for each individual, which was financial and would not be less than R120 000 at that time. That was in 1998. They also said they would give the victims proper housing, help the victims with proper medication and also help them with education." "The other was symbolic reparations which would be a symbol for not forgetting what transpired (happened) during apartheid. For us, it was about having our stories written, being in books and also have monuments and tombstones erected. This democracy we talk about today came as a result of blood which was shed. We have people who disappeared, their families are here," she said. "There are also people who are wounded here. They need help. All these things are part of what we are demanding. The government has since taken only about 22 000 stories and only 15 000 people have been reparated. Those people are also here, they were thrown a R30 000. Our government has unfinished business of the TRC." Bonase said the victims are now demanding "an urgent proper reparation" which would help heal their wounds. [From: https://www.iol.co.za/news/politics/victims-of-apartheid-demand-r1m-each-in-reparations] P.T.O.

Downloaded from hlayiso.com HISTORY ADDENDUM 9 (Paper 2) 10792/21 SOURCE 2D The following cartoon by Zapiro appeared in the Sowetan Newspaper on 29 October 1998. It evaluates the work of the TRC. \ RECOMMENDED BY THE TRC FOR APARTHEID-ERA ATROCITIES Government [From: https://www.google.com/search?q=zapiro+cartoons+on+reparations.] P.T.O.

Downloaded from hlayiso.com HISTORY ADDENDUM 10 (Paper 2) 10792/21 QUESTION 3: HOW DID GOBALISATION AFFECT WORKERS IN DEVELOPING COUNTRIES? SOURCE 3A The source below focuses on the influence of globalisation. We now communicate and share each other’s cultures through trade and travel, transporting products around the world in hours or days. We are in a huge global economy where something that happens in one area can have a knock-on effect worldwide. This process is called globalisation. Globalisation is the process by which the world is becoming increasingly interconnected as a result of massively (greatly) increased trade and cultural exchange. Globalisation has increased the production of goods and services. The biggest companies are no longer national firms but multi-national corporations with subsidiaries (businesses) in many countries. Examples of multi- national corporations are Starbucks, McDonalds and Nike. Globalisation has been taking place for hundreds of years but has sped up enormously over the last half-century. Globalisation has resulted in an increased international trade and companies operating in more than one country. There is a greater dependence on the global economy and freer movement of capital, goods and services. Although globalisation is probably helping to create more wealth in developing countries – it is not helping to close the gap between the world's poorest countries and the world's richest. [From: https://www.bbc.co.uk/bitesize/guides/zxpn2p3/revision/1] P.T.O.

Downloaded from hlayiso.com HISTORY ADDENDUM 11 (Paper 2) 10792/21 SOURCE 3B The following source explains the impact of multi-national corporations on the lives of workers in developing countries. Multi-national corporations provide an inflow of capital into the developing country. The investment to build the factory is counted as a capital flow on the financial account of the balance of payments (difference between money coming in and out). This capital investment helps the economy develop and increases its productive capacity. One of the best ways to increase the level of economic growth is to provide an inflow of capital from abroad. The inflow of capital helps to finance foreign investments and enables developing countries to buy imports. Multi-national corporations provide employment. Although wages seem very low by western standards, people in developing countries often see these new jobs as preferable to working as subsistence farmers with even lower incomes. ‘Sweatshop labour is better than the alternative of scavenging (searching) or no paid employment’. Economists are not all convinced that sweatshop labour is a good thing. Critics argue that weak labour conditions allow multi-nationals to use their monopsony (controlling) power to pay lower wages to workers than they should get paid. Multi-national firms may help improve infrastructure in the economy. They may improve the skills of their workforce. Foreign investment may stimulate spending in infrastructure such as roads and transport. Multi-national firms help to diversify the economy away from relying on primary products and agriculture – which are often subject to volatile prices and supply. [From: https://www.economicshelp.org/blog/1413/development/multinational-corporations-in- developing-countries/] P.T.O.

Downloaded from hlayiso.com HISTORY ADDENDUM 12 (Paper 2) 10792/21 SOURCE 3C The cartoon below depicts the conditions under which workers in developing countries produce goods for multi-national companies such as Nike. MEANWHILE, IN A SWEATSHOP SOMEWHERE IN INDONESIA… WE WANT FAIR WORK CONDITIONS NIKE [From: https://caribbeandilemma.wordpress.com/2015/03/12/behind-the-swoosh-do-sweatshop- create-employment-or-exploitation/] P.T.O.

Downloaded from hlayiso.com HISTORY ADDENDUM 13 (Paper 2) 10792/21 SOURCE 3D The following source outlines how civil society protested against the exploitation of workers by multi-national companies such as Nike. Nike is one of the business world’s shining examples of how to clean up an image. In the 1990s, the company was plagued by reports that it used sweatshops and child labour. Pressure grew until 1998, when Nike co-founder Phil Knight, publicly committed to changing the company’s practices, and Nike spent the next decade doing just that. Now, Nike’s sweatshop problem is threatening a comeback. On July 29, students and activists around the world participated in a day of protest against Nike, organised by United Students Against Sweatshops (USAS). The demonstrations, in cities such as Boston, Washington D.C., Bangalore, and San Pedro Sula in Honduras, represented an escalation of allegations against Nike that have been slowly bubbling (brewing) up. Among them are claims that workers at a Nike contract factory in Hansae, Vietnam, suffered wage theft and verbal abuse, and laboured for hours in temperatures well over the legal limit of 90 degrees, to the point that they would collapse at their sewing machines. Nike is also accused of cutting jobs, resulting in hundreds of workers losing vital jobs. The company has also allegedly denied the independent monitoring group Worker Rights Consortium (WRC) access to inspect its contract factories. The WRC was founded in 2000 by universities, international labour rights experts and student groups to ensure that products bearing university logos were made under conditions that respected workers’ rights. [From: https://qz.com/1042298/nike-is-facing-a-new-wave-of-anti-sweatshop-protests.] P.T.O.

Downloaded from hlayiso.com HISTORY ADDENDUM 14 (Paper 2) 10792/21 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Visual sources and other historical evidence were taken from the following: https://libcom.org/library/peoples-politics-state-politics-aspects-national-liberation- south-africa- https://www.sahistory.org.za/article/liberation-organisations https://www.saha.org.za/imagesofdefinace/community_azikhwelwa.htm https://www.saha.org.za/imagesofdefinace/takeyourhandsoffmeimaworkernotatoya womansplaceisinthestruggle.htm https://www.sahistory.org.za/sites/default/files/poster738.jpg https://www.bbc.co.uk/bitesize/guides/zxpn2p3/revision/1 https://www.economicshelp.org/blog/1413/development/multinational- corporations-in-developing-countries/ https://www.economicshelp.org/blog/1413/development/multinational- corporations-in-developing-countries/ https://qz.com/1042298/nike-is-facing-a-new-wave-of-anti-sweatshop-protests/ https://mg.co.za/article/2014-04-24-unfinished-business-of-the-trc-healing- https://www.iol.co.za/news/politics/victims-of-apartheid-demand-r1m-each-in- reparations- https://www.google.com/search?q=zapiro+cartoons+on+reparations https://ecexams.co.za/2016_September_Trial_Exams.htm END