History Grade 11 Paper 2 November Mock Exam 2 2026 Addendum

Copyright reserved Please turn over Mock hlayiso mock exams Practice Series: Grade 11 Exam Preparation WWW.HLAYISO.COM NATIONAL SENIOR CERTIFICATE GRADE 11 HISTORY P2 ADDENDUM NOVEMBER EXAMINATION 2026 (MOCK) This addendum consists of 11 pages.

History/P2 2 NSC – Addendum Mock Hlayiso/Gr 11 Mock 2026 QUESTION 1: HOW DID THE NATIVES LAND ACT OF 1913 CONTRIBUTE TO THE GROWTH OF AFRICAN NATIONALISM IN SOUTH AFRICA? SOURCE 1A The source below was compiled by the examiner from various historical accounts. It explains how the formation of the Union of South Africa led to the founding of the South African Native National Congress (SANNC). After the South African War (1899–1902) black South Africans hoped that Britain would extend political rights to them. Educated Africans, coloured people and Indians had already formed organisations to defend their rights, such as the Natal Indian Congress (1894), the Natal Native Congress (1900) and the African Political Organisation (APO), which was formed in Cape Town in 1902 and was later led by Dr Abdullah Abdurahman. In 1909 the four colonies drew up the South Africa Act (the Act of Union). It gave political power to the white minority. Only in the Cape Province could some black men who owned property continue to vote, and no black person could become a member of parliament. A South African Native Convention met in Bloemfontein in 1909 to oppose the draft Act, and a delegation travelled to London to ask the British parliament to change it. The British government ignored their request, and the Union of South Africa came into being on 31 May 1910. The new Union government soon began to pass laws based on segregation. Pixley ka Isaka Seme, a young lawyer who had studied in the USA and Britain, called on African leaders to form one national organisation. On 8 January 1912 chiefs, teachers, ministers of religion, lawyers and journalists from all four provinces met in Bloemfontein and formed the South African Native National Congress. John Dube was elected as its first president and Sol Plaatje as its first secretary-general. Seme told the delegates that Africans were one people and that the divisions between Xhosa, Zulu, Sotho and other groups had to be forgotten if they were to win their rights. One year later the new organisation faced its first major test. [Compiled by the examiner from various historical accounts] Copyright reserved Please turn over

History/P2 3 NSC – Addendum Mock Hlayiso/Gr 11 Mock 2026 SOURCE 1B The source below consists of a summary compiled by the examiner and a short extract from Native Life in South Africa, a book written by Sol Plaatje and published in 1916. Plaatje travelled through the countryside in 1913 to see the effects of the Natives Land Act for himself. The Natives Land Act (No. 27 of 1913) came into force on 19 June 1913. It set aside about 7% of the land of South Africa as ‘scheduled areas’ (reserves) for African occupation. Outside these areas Africans were not allowed to buy land or to rent land from white owners. The Act also outlawed sharecropping (farming ‘on the halves’), a system in which African families farmed part of a white-owned farm and paid the owner with half of their harvest. Many white farmers had complained that successful African sharecroppers competed with them and that they could not find enough cheap labour. After the Act, African tenants had to choose between working for the farmer as labour tenants or wage labourers, or leaving the farm. Thousands of families who refused were evicted and wandered along the roads with their livestock in the middle of winter, looking for a place to live. Plaatje began his account of the Act with these words: Awaking on Friday morning, June 20, 1913, the South African native found himself, not actually a slave, but a pariah in the land of his birth. [From S. T. Plaatje, Native Life in South Africa, 1916 (public domain), with a summary compiled by the examiner] *pariah: an outcast; a person who is rejected by society *sharecropping: a system in which a tenant farms land owned by someone else and pays with a share of the crop SOURCE 1C The diagram below was drawn by the examiner. It compares the population of South Africa in 1911 with the division of land under the Natives Land Act of 1913. POPULATION OF SOUTH AFRICA (1911 census, rounded) Africans 67% Whites 21% 9% 3% 9% = coloured people 3% = Indians (far right) LAND UNDER THE NATIVES LAND ACT OF 1913 About 93%: land for white ownership and occupation About 7%: ‘scheduled areas’ (reserves) for Africans [Diagram drawn by the examiner. Figures are rounded and are based on the 1911 census and various historical accounts.] Copyright reserved Please turn over

History/P2 4 NSC – Addendum Mock Hlayiso/Gr 11 Mock 2026 SOURCE 1D The source below was compiled by the examiner from various historical accounts. It describes the response of the SANNC to the Natives Land Act. The SANNC held meetings throughout the country and sent petitions to the government, asking it to repeal the Natives Land Act. When the government refused, the Congress decided to appeal to the British government, which it still regarded as the protector of black people in the empire. In May 1914 a deputation of five leaders, John Dube, Sol Plaatje, Walter Rubusana, Saul Msane and Thomas Mapikela, sailed to London. They met the British Colonial Secretary, who told them that Britain could not interfere in the internal affairs of the self-governing Union of South Africa. In August 1914 the First World War broke out. The SANNC announced that it would suspend its protests and support the government during the war, hoping that the loyalty of Africans would be rewarded afterwards. Thousands of Africans served as labourers in the South African Native Labour Contingent in France. In February 1917 more than 600 of these men drowned when the troopship SS Mendi sank in the English Channel. Plaatje remained in Britain, where he spoke at public meetings and wrote Native Life in South Africa to win support for the African cause. In 1919 another SANNC deputation went to Europe to present the grievances of Africans at the peace conference in Versailles, but it was also unsuccessful. The failure of these deputations made many Africans question whether petitions and deputations would ever bring change. In 1919 the Transvaal branch of the Congress organised a campaign against the pass laws, and in the same year Clements Kadalie formed the Industrial and Commercial Workers’ Union (ICU) among dock workers in Cape Town. [Compiled by the examiner from various historical accounts] Copyright reserved Please turn over

History/P2 5 NSC – Addendum Mock Hlayiso/Gr 11 Mock 2026 QUESTION 2: HOW DID AFRIKANER NATIONALISTS USE LANGUAGE, CULTURE AND ECONOMIC ORGANISATIONS TO UNITE AFRIKANERS BETWEEN 1915 AND THE 1940s? SOURCE 2A The source below was compiled by the examiner from various historical accounts. It explains how the Afrikaans language and Afrikaner culture were promoted after the South African War. After the South African War (1899–1902) the British administration under Lord Milner followed a policy of Anglicisation. English became the main language in government schools and in the civil service, and many Afrikaners feared that their children would lose their language and culture. In response, writers and poets such as Gustav Preller, Jan F. E. Celliers, Totius and C. Louis Leipoldt began to write in Afrikaans, which had until then been regarded by many as a ‘kitchen language’. This became known as the Second Afrikaans Language Movement. Afrikaans newspapers spread nationalist ideas. Die Burger was founded in Cape Town in 1915, with Dr D. F. Malan as its first editor, and Die Transvaler was founded in Johannesburg in 1937, with Dr H. F. Verwoerd as its editor. In 1918 C. J. Langenhoven wrote the poem Die Stem van Suid-Afrika, which later became the national anthem. In 1925 parliament recognised Afrikaans (as part of ‘Dutch’) as an official language alongside English. The Dutch Reformed Churches played a central role. Most Afrikaners belonged to these churches, which held their services in Afrikaans, supported Afrikaans schools and taught that the Afrikaners had been placed in Africa by God with a special calling. In 1933 the first complete Bible in Afrikaans was published. Secret and public organisations, such as the Afrikaner Broederbond (1918) and the Federasie van Afrikaanse Kultuurvereniginge (FAK) (1929), worked to make sure that language, church, school and history were linked together as the foundations of a separate Afrikaner identity. [Compiled by the examiner from various historical accounts] Copyright reserved Please turn over

History/P2 6 NSC – Addendum Mock Hlayiso/Gr 11 Mock 2026 SOURCE 2B The source below was compiled by the examiner from various historical accounts. It focuses on the poor white problem and the Afrikaner economic movement of the 1930s and 1940s. In the 1920s and early 1930s thousands of Afrikaners lost their land and their livelihoods. Farms had been divided into smaller and smaller pieces among the heirs of each generation, and severe droughts and the Great Depression (1929–1933) ruined many farmers. Large numbers of poor Afrikaners moved to the cities, where they had few skills, lived in slums next to black and coloured workers and worked for English-speaking employers. The Carnegie Commission reported on the problem in 1932, and in 1934 the Dutch Reformed Church organised a volkskongres (people’s congress) in Kimberley to discuss ways of rescuing the poor whites. Nationalists feared that in the English-dominated cities poor Afrikaners would lose their language, church and culture, and might even join socialist trade unions together with black workers. In October 1939 the Broederbond, working through the FAK, organised the Economic People’s Congress (Ekonomiese Volkskongres) in Bloemfontein. The congress adopted the slogan ’n Volk red homself (A nation rescues itself). It called on Afrikaners to save their money in Afrikaner banks, to take out insurance with Afrikaner companies and to buy from Afrikaner businesses. This policy of using Afrikaner capital to build up Afrikaner businesses became known as volkskapitalisme. The congress also founded the Reddingsdaadbond (Rescue Action League), which raised funds, trained young Afrikaners for careers in business and encouraged Afrikaners to support one another economically. [Compiled by the examiner from various historical accounts] Copyright reserved Please turn over

History/P2 7 NSC – Addendum Mock Hlayiso/Gr 11 Mock 2026 SOURCE 2C The diagram below was drawn by the examiner. It shows some of the organisations that formed part of the Afrikaner economic movement and how they were linked. AFRIKANER BROEDERBOND (1918) working through the FAK (1929) ECONOMIC PEOPLE’S CONGRESS Bloemfontein, October 1939 Reddingsdaadbond (1939) raised funds and trained young Afrikaners in business Federale Volksbeleggings (1940) invested in new Afrikaner businesses Afrikaanse Handelsinstituut (1942) organised Afrikaner traders and business people Sanlam and Santam (1918) Afrikaner insurance companies Savings and premiums of ordinary Afrikaners Volkskas (1934) an Afrikaner bank AIM: volkskapitalisme – to use Afrikaner savings to create Afrikaner-owned businesses and jobs for Afrikaners, so that the volk could ‘rescue itself’ [Diagram drawn by the examiner from various historical accounts] Copyright reserved Please turn over

History/P2 8 NSC – Addendum Mock Hlayiso/Gr 11 Mock 2026 SOURCE 2D The source below was compiled by the examiner from various historical accounts. It explains how Afrikaner nationalists tried to win the support of Afrikaner children and workers in the 1930s and 1940s. Afrikaner nationalists believed that the school was as important as the church in shaping the volk. They demanded that Afrikaans-speaking children be taught in their mother tongue in separate Afrikaans-medium schools, and not in English or in dual-medium schools together with English-speaking children. In 1939 the FAK established the Institute for Christian National Education (Instituut vir Christelik-Nasionale Onderwys), and in 1948 the Institute published a policy of Christian National Education. According to this policy, education had to be based on the Calvinist Christian faith and had to teach Afrikaner children to love their own language, history and culture. Nationalists also turned their attention to the growing number of Afrikaner workers in the cities. Many of these workers belonged to trade unions such as the Mine Workers’ Union and the Garment Workers’ Union, which were led by English-speaking officials and, in some cases, by socialists who wanted workers of all races to unite against their employers. Nationalists, supported by the Broederbond, campaigned to win control of these unions and to persuade Afrikaner workers that they were members of the volk first and workers second. By the general election of May 1948 the cultural, economic and labour organisations had created a network that reached into almost every Afrikaner community. The Herenigde National Party of Dr D. F. Malan, together with the small Afrikaner Party, won 79 seats against the 71 seats of the United Party and the Labour Party, although it received fewer votes. Several of the seats it won were in working-class areas on the Witwatersrand. [Compiled by the examiner from various historical accounts] Copyright reserved Please turn over

History/P2 9 NSC – Addendum Mock Hlayiso/Gr 11 Mock 2026 QUESTION 3: HOW DID BLACK COMMUNITIES AND CHURCHES RESPOND TO THE BANTU EDUCATION ACT OF 1953? SOURCE 3A The source below was compiled by the examiner from various historical accounts. It explains the aims and the main provisions of the Bantu Education Act. Before 1953 most schools for African children were run by Christian missionary churches with some financial help from the provincial governments. These mission schools, such as Lovedale and Healdtown in the Eastern Cape, offered the same academic subjects as white schools, taught in English and produced many of the leaders of African nationalism. The Bantu Education Act (No. 47 of 1953) was introduced by Dr H. F. Verwoerd, the Minister of Native Affairs. It took control of African education away from the provinces and the churches and gave it to the central government’s Department of Native Affairs. All schools for African children had to be registered with the government, and the state subsidies paid to mission schools were reduced and later stopped. African children were to follow a separate syllabus, taught in their mother tongue in the primary school, and teachers were paid low salaries. In a speech to the Senate in 1954, Verwoerd explained that there was ‘no place’ for Africans in white society ‘above the level of certain forms of labour’. African education, he argued, had to prepare Africans to serve their own communities in the reserves and to work as labourers in white areas. [Compiled by the examiner from various historical accounts] Copyright reserved Please turn over

History/P2 10 NSC – Addendum Mock Hlayiso/Gr 11 Mock 2026 SOURCE 3B The source below was compiled by the examiner from various historical accounts. It focuses on the school boycott organised against Bantu Education in 1955. At its national conference in December 1954 the African National Congress (ANC) decided to call on parents to withdraw their children from schools from 1 April 1955, when the Department of Native Affairs was to take control of African schools. The ANC leadership, however, was divided. Some leaders wanted an indefinite boycott, while others warned that the ANC could not provide alternative schooling for thousands of children and preferred a short protest. In the end the national executive postponed the boycott. In spite of this, on 12 April 1955 thousands of pupils stayed away from school, especially on the East Rand (in towns such as Benoni, Germiston and Brakpan) and in the Eastern Cape around Port Elizabeth. Verwoerd responded by announcing that pupils who did not return to school by a set date would be expelled permanently and would never again be admitted to a government school. Some teachers who supported the boycott were dismissed. Most parents, afraid that their children would receive no education at all, sent them back. To help the children who had been expelled, opponents of Bantu Education formed the African Education Movement. Because it was illegal to run an unregistered school, it organised ‘cultural clubs’ instead. Club leaders were not allowed to teach formal lessons, so they taught through stories, songs, games, plays and discussions. Short of money and harassed by the police, most of the clubs had closed down by the end of the 1950s. [Compiled by the examiner from various historical accounts] *indefinite: without a fixed end date SOURCE 3C The source below is an illustration created for this examination. It is based on the kind of photographs that press photographers took of cultural clubs on the East Rand in 1955. CULTURAL CLUB – ALL WELCOME [Illustration created for this examination; it is not an original photograph. It depicts a cultural club in a township on the East Rand, c. 1955.] Copyright reserved Please turn over

History/P2 11 NSC – Addendum Mock Hlayiso/Gr 11 Mock 2026 SOURCE 3D The source below was compiled by the examiner from various historical accounts. It explains how churches responded to the Bantu Education Act and how apartheid was extended to universities. The churches did not respond in the same way to the Bantu Education Act. Most Protestant missions, including many Methodist, Presbyterian and Lutheran schools, leased or sold their schools to the government, because they could not pay the teachers and run the schools without state subsidies. Famous institutions such as Lovedale and Healdtown passed into the hands of the Department of Native Affairs. The Anglican Bishop of Johannesburg, Ambrose Reeves, refused to allow his church to take part in Bantu Education and closed the Anglican schools in his diocese in 1955, even though this meant that many children lost their schools. Father Trevor Huddleston strongly supported this decision. The Roman Catholic Church decided to keep its schools open at its own expense and raised money from its members to do so, but over the following years it was forced to close or hand over most of them. In 1959 the government passed the Extension of University Education Act. Black students could no longer register at the ‘open’ universities, such as the Universities of Cape Town and the Witwatersrand, without the permission of a cabinet minister. Separate university colleges were set up for different ethnic and racial groups. In 1960 the government took over the University College of Fort Hare, where many African leaders had studied, and turned it into a college for Xhosa-speaking students only. Several lecturers who opposed the takeover were dismissed or resigned. [Compiled by the examiner from various historical accounts] Copyright reserved