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NATIONAL
SENIOR SERTIFICATE
GRADE 11
NOVEMBER 2023
HISTORY P2
ADDENDUM
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History Grade 11 P2 Eastern Cape November 2023 Addendum
Grade 11 History Paper 2 addendum from the Eastern Cape November Exam 2023 (English), 14 pages. Read online or get the free PDF download.
History · Grade 11 · Eastern Cape November Exam · 2023 · English. Addendum, 14 pages. Read online or download the PDF.
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- History
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- Grade 11
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- English
- Document type
- Addendum
- Year
- 2023
- Exam period
- Eastern Cape November Exam
- Paper
- 2
- Curriculum
- CAPS
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- 14
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2 HISTORY P2 (ADDENDUM) (EC/NOVEMBER 2023)
QUESTION 1: HOW DID DIFFERENT ORGANISATIONS IN SOUTH AFRICA
CONTRIBUTE TO THE GROWTH OF AFRICAN NATIONALISM FROM
1902 TO THE 1930s?
SOURCE 1A
The source below explains the role played by the African People’s Organisation (APO)
under the leadership of Dr Abdullah Abdurahman in promoting African nationalism in the
early 1900s.
The establishment of the APO played a significant role in the growth of nationalism in South
Africa. The APO was founded on 30 September 1902 by an educated class of Coloured
South Africans who decided to challenge the Cape government because they felt they could
no longer be treated as a mass of uneducated people and intensifying segregations forced
Coloureds to mobilise politically. Its aims were to bring unity amongst Coloureds, promoting
education, opposing “class legislation” (i.e. discriminatory colour legislation) and defending
the social, political and economic rights of Coloureds. However, after the Anglo-Boer War/
South African War when the possibility of a white minority state was first discussed, the
APO focused its attention on the franchise (vote) question, and with it the issue of education
as a means to qualify for the vote.
Strategies employed by the APO were non-confrontational forms of protest and appeal
(petition). The APO was able to mobilise protest mass meetings and activities nationwide,
launched a fortnightly newspaper and sought political partners amongst both black and
white opponents to the draft Act (to form the Union of South Africa). Dr Abdullah
Abdurahman as early as 1907 recognised the need for black unity in the fight against white
supremacism. In 1907 an APO delegation led by Abdurahman, Fredericka and Daniels went
to London to protest against proposals to grant self-government to the former Boer
Republics. This was done on behalf of all black South Africans (Coloured, Africans and
Indians). The new approach by the APO helped to break down the racial barriers between
Coloured and African South Africans. At the South African Native Congress meeting held
in Queenstown in 1907 to discuss the unification of South Africa, the APO was well
represented.
[From http://www.sahistory.org.za/article/african-peoples-organisation-apo. Accessed on 7 March 2023.]
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(EC/NOVEMBER 2023) HISTORY P2 (ADDENDUM) 3
SOURCE 1B
The source below describes the factors that led to the formation of the South African Native
Congress (SANNC) on the 8 January 1912.
Since 1652, successive colonial administrations had systematically deprived black
communities of their land. The loss of this crucial resource was arguably the most important
factor leading to the impoverishment (poverty) and marginalisation (downgrading) of African
communities. It was also arguably the most important factor spurring (encouraging)
organised resistance.
Preliminary drafts of the Native Land Act were debated in 1911 and the Mines and Works
Act was passed in 1911. These laws and the formation of the Union were important factors
leading to the formation of the South African Native National Congress on 8 January, 1912,
in Bloemfontein. Several hundred members of South Africa’s educated elite met to establish
a national organisation to protest against racial discrimination and to appeal for equal
treatment before the law. This group comprised of South Africa’s most prominent black
citizens: professional men, businessmen, journalists, chieftains, ministers, teachers, clerks,
building contractors and labour agents. This meeting was the most significant in the history
of black protest politics as it was the first joint meeting of black representatives from all four
self-governing British colonies and indicated that blacks were capable of united action.
A Zulu lawyer, Pixley ka Izaka Seme at the opening address at the conference stated:
“Chiefs of royal blood and gentlemen of our race … we have discovered that in the land of
their birth, Africans are treated as hewers (people who use axes to chop wood) and drawers
of water. The white people of this country have formed what is known as the Union of South
Africa – a union in which we have no voice in the making of laws and no part in their
administration. We have called you to this conference so that we can together devise ways
and means of forming our union for the purpose of creating national unity and defending
our rights and privileges.”
[From https:// www.sahistory.org.z/article/formation – sanncanc. Accessed on 7 March 2023.]
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4 HISTORY P2 (ADDENDUM) (EC/NOVEMBER 2023)
SOURCE 1C
The source below describes how the Industrial and Commercial Workers Union (ICU)
united South African workers against the unjust laws of the Union of South Africa.
During the 1920s, the SANNC – which changed its name to the African National Congress
(ANC) in 1923 – did not accomplish much to improve the lives of black South Africans.
Short of funds and poorly organised, it was overshadowed by the more dynamic ICU,
founded in Cape Town in 1919 by Clement Kadalie. The ICU started out as a trade union
for the black and Coloured dockworkers of Cape Town.
However, the ICU soon developed into a more general organisation, including in its
membership skilled as well as unskilled workers from industry and the agricultural sector.
Unlike the SANNC, the ICU did not officially petition the authorities, but adopted a more
active approach with a view to obtaining better working conditions and higher wages for
its members. The ICU shifted its focus from trade unionism to a more militant nationalism.
In due course two factions developed within the ICU. There were those who supported
more militant action and those who advocated moderation. This together with financial
problems were largely responsible for the gradual decline of the ICU.
Nonetheless, even though the ICU disintegrated, it occupied an important place in the
history of black labour. Not only was it the first black trade union movement, but it also
helped to make blacks more aware of their exploitation.
[From https://www.britannica.com/topic/industrial -and-commercial-workers-union. Accessed on 7
March 2023.]
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(EC/NOVEMBER 2023) HISTORY P2 (ADDENDUM) 5
SOURCE 1D
The source below shows the detail from a 1920 ICU letterhead.
[From I see you –hipsa.org.za/publication/I-see-you-the-industrial-and commercial-workers-union-of- Africa.
Accessed on 7 March 2023.]
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6 HISTORY P2 (ADDENDUM) (EC/NOVEMBER 2023)
QUESTION 2: HOW DID DIFFERENT ORGANISATIONS STRENGTHEN
AFRIKANER NATIONALISM IN SOUTH AFRICA IN THE 1900s?
SOURCE 2A
The source below explains how the Centenary celebrations of 1938 contributed to the
awakening of Afrikaner nationalism.
A marked feature of the way in which Afrikaner nationalism was constructed was the
emphasis on history. The past was that of the Great Trek, The Day of the Covenant, the
Anglo-Boer War, the concentration camps during the war and other events of importance
to the Afrikaners. These events were cast (shaped) in religious terms, with Afrikaners as
God’s chosen people, destined to bring civilisation and Christianity to the southern tip of
Africa.
Of particular significance in moulding an Afrikaner identity during the 1930s were the
Centenary celebrations of the Great Trek in 1938. The Great Trek, which assumed pride
of place in Afrikaner history, was commemorated by nine ox wagons slowly making their
way from Cape Town to the north. Feverish (excited) crowds dressed in Voortrekker garb
(clothing) welcomed the procession as it approached towns and cities. Streets were
renamed after Voortrekker heroes, men and women were moved to tears by the spectacle
(sight), young people were married alongside the vehicles, couples christened their babies
in the shade of wagons (many infants were given names derived from the Great Trek,
such as Eeufesia and Kakebeenwania).
At the heart of the 1938 celebration lay the perception that Afrikaners were strangers in
their own land, victims of British rooted capitalism and an alien political culture and that
the solution lay in unified economic, political and cultural action. The 1938 celebrations
served as a powerful binding agent. They drew inspiration from it for survival and for the
future. It is probably true to say that the long-term foundations for Afrikaner unity were laid
during the centenary celebrations.
[From www.fanieosoppiejas.com/.../afrikaner-nationalism-the-factors. Accessed on 7 March 2023.]
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(EC/NOVEMBER 2023) HISTORY P2 (ADDENDUM) 7
SOURCE 2B
The extract below describes the contribution of the Band of Brotherhood (Broederbond) to
promote Afrikaner nationalism.
On 5 June 1918 disaffected (dissatisfied) Afrikaners were brought together in a new
organisation called Young South Africa. The following year its name was changed to the
Afrikaner Broederbond (AB). Its motto was, ‘Be Strong.’ The organisation’s aims were to
further Afrikaner nationalism in South Africa, to maintain Afrikaner culture, develop an
Afrikaner economy and to gain control of the South African government.
During the 1930s the Afrikaner Broederbond became increasingly political, creating several
public front organisations – especially the Federation of Afrikaans Cultural Societies which
acted as an umbrella organisation for Afrikaner cultural groups. The Afrikaner Broederbond,
meanwhile, evolved (developed) into a highly influential ‘secret’ society. Its political
influence became apparent in 1934 when JBM Hertzog merged the National Party (NP)
with Jan Smuts’ South African Party (SAP), to form the United Party (UP). Radical members
of the NP broke away from the ‘fusion government’ to form the Reunited National Party
(HNP) under the leadership of Dr Malan. The Afrikaner Broederbond threw its support
behind the HNP and its members dominated the new party.
The South African prime minister, JBM Hertzog, declared, “There is no doubt that the secret
Broederbond is nothing more than the HNP operating secretly underground, and the HNP
is nothing more than the secret Afrikaner Broederbond operating in public.” At the end of
1938, with the Centenary celebrations, Afrikaner nationalism became increasingly popular
and additional organisations developed – all linked to the Afrikaner Broederbond. Of
particular significance were the Reddingsdaadbond and the Ossewabrandwag.
The Afrikaner’s cultural and economic interest were also controlled by the Broederbond. It
not only dedicated itself to establishing organisations and institutions at a national level, but
makes it its business to appoint, promote and protect the ‘right man’. Nepotism and
favouring member above non-member were the order of the day. The Bond did not hesitate
to trample on fellow citizens to advantage themselves.
[From sahistory.org.za/article/Afrikaner-broederbond. Accessed on 7 March 2023.]
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8 HISTORY P2 (ADDENDUM) (EC/NOVEMBER 2023)
SOURCE 2C
The poster below depicts the power of the Broederbond and was used by the United Party
in the 1943 elections.
[From minderheidsverslag.co.za/2018/05/24/die-broederbond-ʼn-adder-in-die-boesem. Accessed on 7
March 2023.]
stop the VOTE VP
Broederbond ORDINARY MAN FAVOURS FOR
VOTE DU PREEZ BROTHERS
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(EC/NOVEMBER 2023) HISTORY P2 (ADDENDUM) 9
SOURCE 2D
The source below explains how the poor whites were assisted to promote Afrikaner
nationalism.
The depression of the early 1930s forced a considerable number of Afrikaners off their
land and into the cities. Many of them lacked the necessary skills to assert (support)
themselves in the new and competitive urban environment. For example, almost 40% of
urbanised male Afrikaners found themselves in the following occupations: manual
labourers, mine worker, railway worker and as bricklayers. A contemporary church
commission described the situation of the new urban Afrikaner in the following way: “He
was looked down upon, he had to come with his hat in hand, he had to be satisfied with
the crumbs which fell from the tables of the rich. He had to beg the English oppressor and
had to obey his every command. Any job that was offered to him, however humiliating,
dangerous and lowly paid it might have been, he had to accept with gratitude. He and his
family had to be satisfied with the worst living conditions in dirty ghettos. The door to well-
paid occupations was firmly closed.”
Impoverished Afrikaners had to be rescued for the volk. In the Broederbond as well as
other organisations saw the promotion of volkskapitalisme as a possible solution to the
problem. Identification with the group had to be complete and had to be carried out on all
levels of society. A complex network of Afrikaner organisations was established during the
1930s and existing organisations were strengthened. Across the board, from financial
institutions like Sanlam and Volkskas, through youth movements like the Voortrekkers,
organisations which bore (accepted) an Afrikaner imprint (appearance) came into
existence. Important in this aspect was an umbrella body, the Federation of Afrikaans
Cultural Societies (FAK), which saw to it that all Afrikaner cultural forms took a nationalistic
turn. The material and cultural foundations of Afrikaner nationalism were being laid
systematically.
[From sahistory.org.za/archive/book-4-industrialisation-and-change-nationalism-chapter-
3-afrikaner-nationlism-1930s. Accessed on 7 March 2023.]
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10 HISTORY P2 (ADDENDUM) (EC/NOVEMBER 2023)
QUESTION 3: HOW DID THE PASS LAW SYSTEM LEAD TO THE SHARPEVILLE
MASSACRE IN THE 1960s?
SOURCE 3A
This source below explains the reasons why there was resistance against the apartheid
government in South Africa.
The Sharpeville Massacre occurred in a South Africa that denied the rights and freedoms
of anyone who was not considered “white” under a system called apartheid. Apartheid
means ‘apartness’ in the Afrikaans language. The concept was endorsed, legalised and
promoted by the National Party, which was elected in South Africa in 1948 by a minority,
exclusive white electorate.
Apartheid laws placed all South Africans into one of four racial categories:
white/European, Native/black, Coloured (people of mixed race) and Indian/Asian. White
people – 15 percent of the South African population – stood at the top, wielding power and
wealth. Black South Africans 80 percent of the population – were relegated (downgraded)
to the very bottom. Apartheid laws restricted every aspect of black South African lives.
Some of the most racist laws were the pass laws, which forced black South Africans to
carry a pass at all times. Such laws had existed before apartheid, but under apartheid they
became worse. The government used the pass laws to control the movement of black
South Africans, restricting where they could work and live.
[From https://humanrights.ca>story>sharpeville-massacre. Accessed on 2 February 2023.]
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(EC/NOVEMBER 2023) HISTORY P2 (ADDENDUM) 11
SOURCE 3B
The extract below is an eyewitness account by Humphrey Tyler, assistant editor of Drum
magazine on how events unfolded on 21 March 1960.
“We went into Sharpeville the back way, behind a grey police car and three armoured
vehicles. As we drove through the fringes (borders) of the township many people shouted
the Pan-Africanist slogan, ‘Izwe Lethu’ which means ‘Our Land,’ or gave the thumbs-up
‘freedom’ salute and shouted ‘Afrika!’
They were grinning (laughing), cheerful and nobody seemed to be afraid. There were
crowds in the streets as we approached the police station. There were plenty of police too,
wearing more guns and ammunition than uniforms. An African approached and said he
was the local Pan-Africanist leader. He told us his organisation was against violence and
that the crowd was there for a peaceful demonstration. It never crossed our minds that they
would attack us or anybody.
There were sudden shrill (high-pitched) cries of ‘Izwe Lethu’ – women’s voices it sounded
– from near the police. Then the shooting started. We heard the chatter of a machine gun,
then another, then another. There were hundreds of women, some of them laughing. They
must have thought the police were firing blanks. One woman was hit not far from our car.
Her companion, a young man, went back when she fell. He thought she had stumbled.
Then he turned her over and saw that her chest had been shot away. He looked at the
blood on his hands and said, ‘My God, she’s gone!’ Hundreds of kids were running too.
Most of the bodies were strewn (scattered) on the road and through the field. One by one
the guns stopped. Before the shooting, I heard no warning to the crowd to disperse. When
the shooting started it did not stop until there was no living thing in front of the police station.
The police claimed that the crowd was armed with ferocious (vicious) weapons. While I was
there, I only saw shoes, hats and a few bicycles left among the bodies.”
[From sahistory.org.za/article/Sharpeville-massacre -21march-1960. Accessed on 2 February 2023.]
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12 HISTORY P2 (ADDENDUM) (EC/NOVEMBER 2023)
SOURCE 3C
This photograph below depicts the scene after the Sharpeville Massacre of 21 March 1961.
[From https:// www.blackpast.org>global-african-history>sharpeville-massacre Accessed on 7 February
2023.]
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(EC/NOVEMBER 2023) HISTORY P2 (ADDENDUM) 13
SOURCE 3D
The source below explains the consequences that the Sharpeville Massacre had on the
political scene in South Africa.
Away from Sharpeville however, many people did express their outrage both inside and
outside South Africa. To protest the massacre, Chief Albert Luthuli, the President-General
of the African National Congress (ANC) burned his own pass. Nelson Mandela and other
ANC members also burned their passes in solidarity. Shortly afterwards, on 30 March,
approximately 30 000 protestors marched to Cape Town to protest the shooting. Dr
Verwoerd, however praised the police for their actions.
After Sharpeville, South Africa’s government had become increasingly isolated, but the
government refused to abandon its policies of apartheid and racial discrimination. First the
government declared a state of emergency and detained around 2 000 people. Then, on
8 April 1960, both the ANC and PAC were banned – it became illegal to be a member of
these organisations.
Many members of both organisations decided to go underground. Nelson Mandela was
among those who became outlaws. He would later say: ‘the will of the people shall be the
basis of authority of the government and for us to accept the banning was the equivalent
of accepting the silencing of Africans for all time.’ Mandela and others no longer felt they
could defeat apartheid peacefully. Both the ANC and the PAC formed armed military wings
and began a military struggle against the government. Many long years of struggle and
suffering lay ahead – but Sharpeville was the beginning of the end for apartheid.
[From michigan the world.history. Isa.umich.edu/ antiapartheid/exhibits/show/exhibits/origins/Sharpeville.
Accessed on 7 February 2023.]
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14 HISTORY P2 (ADDENDUM) (EC/NOVEMBER 2023)
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Visual sources and other historical evidence were taken from the following:
http://www.sahistory.org.za/article/african-peoples-organisation-apo
https:// www.blackpast.org>global-african-history>sharpeville-massacre
https:// www.sahistory.org.z/article/formation-sanncanc
https://humanrights.ca>story>sharpeville-massacre
https://www.britannica.com/topic/industrial-and-commercial-workers-union
I see you-hipsa.org.za/publication/I-see-you-the-industrial-and-commercial-workers-
union-of-Africa
michigan the world.history. Isa.umich.edu/ antiapartheid/exhibits/show/ exhibits/
origins/Sharpeville
minderheidsverslag.co.za/2018/05/24/die-broederbond-ʼn-adder-in-die-boesem
sahistory.org.za/archive/book–4- industrialisation-and-change-nationalism-chapter-3-
afrikaner-nationlism -1930s
sahistory.org.za/article/Afrikaner-broederbond
sahistory.org.za/article/Sharpeville – massacre -21march-1960
www.fanieosoppiejas.com/.../afrikaner-nationalism-the-factors
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