History Grade 12 P1 NSC Supplementary 2012 Addendum (Eng)

Downloaded from hlayiso.com GRAAD 12 NATIONAL SENIOR CERTIFICATE GRADE 12 HISTORY P1 FEBRUARY/MARCH 2012 ADDENDUM This addendum consists of 12 pages. Copyright reserved Please turn over

Downloaded from hlayiso.com History/P1 2 DBE/Feb.–Mar. 2012 NSC – Addendum QUESTION 1: WHY DID THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA (USA) AND THE UNION OF SOVIET SOCIALIST REPUBLICS (USSR) BECOME INVOLVED IN THE CUBAN MISSILE CRISIS? SOURCE 1A The source below focuses on Khrushchev's (President of the Soviet Union) reasons to deploy nuclear missiles in Cuba. Taken from The Cuban Missile Crises: A National Security Archive Document Reader. (http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/nsa/cuba mis cri/declass.htm) … What motivated the Soviets to deploy nuclear weapons in Cuba? The declassified record shows that US officials were well aware that their deployment of Jupiter missiles near Soviet borders in Turkey and Italy in 1959 would be deeply resented (feel bitter) by Soviet officials; even President Eisenhower noted that it would be a 'provocative' (offensive) step comparable to the deployment of Soviet missiles in 'Mexico or Cuba'. A declassified military history of the Jupiter system reveals that the rockets became operational in April 1962 … and that contributed to Khrushchev's proposal to deploy nuclear missiles in Cuba. SOURCE 1B This article focuses on the reaction of John F Kennedy (President of the USA) and how he dealt with the Cuban Missile Crisis. Taken from The New York Times, 23 October 1962. October 23, 1962 US Imposes Arms Blockade on Cuba on Finding Offensive Missiles Sites – Kennedy Ready for Soviet Showdown Special to The New York Times Washington, October 22 – President Kennedy imposed a naval and air 'quarantine' (blockade) tonight on the offensive military equipment to Cuba. In a speech of extraordinary (unusual) gravity, he told the American people that the Soviet Union, contrary to promises, was building offensive missiles and bomber bases in Cuba. He said the bases could handle missiles carrying nuclear warheads up to 2 000 miles. Thus a critical moment in the Cold War was at hand tonight. The President had decided on a direct confrontation with and challenge to the power of the Soviet Union. Two aspects of the speech were notable. One was the direct thrust (push) at the Soviet Union as the party responsible for the crisis. President Kennedy treated Cuba and the government of Premier Fidel Castro as a mere pawn (puppet) in Moscow's hands and drew the issue as one with the Soviet government … The President made it clear that this country would not stop short of military action to end what he called 'clandestine (secret) reckless and provocative (offensive) threat to world peace'. … He called on Premier Khrushchev to withdraw the missiles from Cuba and so 'move the world back from the abyss (depth) of destruction'. Copyright reserved Please turn over

Downloaded from hlayiso.com History/P1 3 DBE/Feb.–Mar. 2012 NSC – Addendum SOURCE 1C This cartoon, drawn in 20 October 1962, shows Khrushchev and Kennedy involved in a game of arm-wrestling. It was over the deployment of missiles in Cuba. Taken from Essential Modern World History by S Waugh. USA USSR Copyright reserved Please turn over

Downloaded from hlayiso.com History/P1 4 DBE/Feb.–Mar. 2012 NSC – Addendum QUESTION 2: HOW DID JULIUS NYERERE'S POLICY OF AFRICAN SOCIALISM TRANSFORM TANZANIA AFTER INDEPENDENCE? SOURCE 2A This source consists of a written and a visual source about African socialism in Tanzania. WRITTEN SOURCE: This is an extract taken from Thinkers on Education by Y Kassam. (www.infed.org/thinkers/et-nye.html) Within the [Arusha] Declaration there was a commitment to raising basic living standards. The socialism Nyerere believed in was 'people-centered'. Humaneness in its fullest sense rather than wealth creation must come first. Societies become better places through the development of people rather than increasing production. The policy met with significant political resistance especially when people were forced into rural communes. Nearly 10 million peasants were moved and many were effectively forced to give up their land. The idea of collective farming was less attractive to many peasants. Productivity went down. However, the focus on human development and self-reliance did bring some success in other areas notably in health, education and in political identity. Nyerere set out his vision in Education for Self-Reliance. Education had to work for the common good, foster cooperation and promote equality. Further, it had to address the realities of life in Tanzania. VISUAL SOURCE: This photograph shows Tanzanian women cleaning a communal plot of land. Taken from Africa Since 1940 by F Cooper. Copyright reserved Please turn over

Downloaded from hlayiso.com History/P1 5 DBE/Feb.–Mar. 2012 NSC – Addendum SOURCE 2B This source consists of two statements about Nyerere's policy of African socialism. STATEMENT 1: This statement was made by Julius Nyerere. Adapted by G Mwakikagile in his book Tanzania under Mwalimu Nyerere. I really think I ran the most successful single-party system on the continent. You might not even call it a party. It was a single huge nationalist movement … I don't believe that our country would be where it is now if we had a multiplicity of parties, which would have become tribal and caused us a lot of problems. We took over a country with 85% of its adults illiterate. The British ruled us for 43 years. When I stepped down, there was 91% literacy and nearly every child was in school. We trained thousands of engineers, doctors and teachers. STATEMENT 2: This statement was made by J Atkin published in In Motion Magazine in December 1999. When Nyerere felt the members of Parliament, all elected from the single party, Tanganyikan African National Union (TANU) were out of touch with the people, he made them walk the two hundred miles through the countryside to the annual party meeting in Mwanza. Hot and dusty, they stayed with the people in the villages, re- experiencing the real conditions in the country, not those of the city and the educated civil-service class. A class called in West Africa, the Wa-Benzi (people of the Mercedes Benz). How they must have hated it! Copyright reserved Please turn over

Downloaded from hlayiso.com History/P1 6 DBE/Feb.–Mar. 2012 NSC – Addendum QUESTION 3: WHAT ROLE DID THE CIVIL RIGHTS MOVEMENT PLAY IN BRINGING ABOUT CHANGE IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA (USA) DURING THE 1960s? SOURCE 3A Below is an excerpt from Speeches that Changed the World on the Civil Rights Movement. It appeared in The Star newspaper, 21 April 2011. In the late '50s and '60s, when America was burning as it wrestled with its collective conscience over racial discrimination, a young Baptist minister stepped to the fore to lead the struggle for equality. The man was Dr Martin Luther King Jr, an eloquent (well- spoken), mesmerising (captivating) preacher driven to rid his country of racial discrimination. He was thrust into the international spotlight when he led the bus boycott in the town of Montgomery, Alabama. It was sparked after black factory worker Rosa Parks was arrested for refusing to give up her seat in a section of a bus reserved for whites. The boycott motivated the US Supreme Court to outlaw racial segregation on public transport. This was a victory for Martin Luther King Jr and his lieutenants in the South Christian Leadership Conference. Copyright reserved Please turn over

Downloaded from hlayiso.com History/P1 7 DBE/Feb.–Mar. 2012 NSC – Addendum SOURCE 3B The source below consists of a written and visual source. It focuses on the actions of the Civil Rights Movement. WRITTEN SOURCE: The following extract is part of the letter Martin Luther King Jr wrote while he was in jail in Birmingham. Taken from For the Record: A Documentary History of America Volume Two by DE Shi. We have waited for more than 340 years for our constitutional and God-given rights. The nations of Asia and Africa are moving with jet-like speed toward the goal of political independence, and we still creep at horse and buggy pace toward the gaining of a cup of coffee at a lunch counter. Perhaps it is easy for those who have never felt the stinging dark of segregation to say, 'Wait.' But when you have seen vicious mobs lynch (hang) your mothers and fathers at will and drown your sisters and brothers at whim (as you wish); when you have seen hate-filled policemen curse, kick and even kill your brothers and sisters … then you will understand why we find it difficult to wait. VISUAL SOURCE: This is a photograph showing an African-American demonstrator being attacked by police dogs in Birmingham, Alabama, 1963. Taken from Race Relations in the USA Since 1900 by V Sanders, et al. Copyright reserved Please turn over

Downloaded from hlayiso.com History/P1 8 DBE/Feb.–Mar. 2012 NSC – Addendum SOURCE 3C The source below consists of two extracts on the Civil Rights Movement and reaction to it. EXTRACT 1: The following is part of the famous 'I have a dream' speech delivered by Martin Luther King Jr. Taken from 20th Century Leaders by P Chrisp. In 1963, King led a huge march for equal rights in Washington, DC. With a massive crowd of over 250 000 followers, King marched on the state capital and delivered his now famous 'I have a dream' speech, calling for equal treatment for all Americans. As a result of the march and the speech, the citizens of the nation began to put growing pressure on the presidential administration of John F Kennedy, encouraging the President to push for civil rights laws to pass through Congress and become recognised on a national level. '… I say to you today, my friends, so even though we face difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream. I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed (statement of belief). We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal. I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave-owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood …' EXTRACT 2: This extract focuses on the growing disagreement over the Civil Rights Movement. Taken from the history magazine Hindsight. Despite the civil rights acts, the reality of US life remained that African Americans were overwhelmingly poorer than whites and they were much less likely to find employment. Their children were poorly educated in underfunded schools. Consequently, a new movement appeared, influenced by younger and more militant blacks who argued that the civil rights acts had done very little to end racism or discrimination in the areas where it was most needed. Prominent among them was Malcolm X, who pointed out that, although segregation was illegal in the north of the country, blacks were still often the targets of racial discrimination. Organisations such as the Black Panthers argued against a strategy of peaceful civil disobedience and called, instead, for all-out war against white America. Growing racial tension erupted into terrible violence across the USA in 1965. Copyright reserved Please turn over

Downloaded from hlayiso.com History/P1 9 DBE/Feb.–Mar. 2012 NSC – Addendum QUESTION 4: HOW DID THE PHILOSOPHY OF BLACK CONSCIOUSNESS INFLUENCE THE SOWETO UPRISING OF 1976? SOURCE 4A This extract focuses on the language policy of the Department of Bantu Education. Taken from South African History Online (SAHO) The Youth Struggle. (www.sahistory.org.za/pages/governance_projects/june16/june16.htm) The issue that caused massive discontent (dissatisfaction) and made resentment (anger) boil over into the 1976 uprising was a decree (law) issued by the Bantu Education Department. The Deputy Minister Andries Treurnicht sent instructions to the school boards, inspectors and principals to the effect that Afrikaans should be put on an equal basis with English and had to be used as a medium of instruction in all schools. These instructions drew immediate negative reaction from various quarters of the community. The first body to react was the Tswana School Board, which comprised school boards from Meadowlands, Dobsonville and other areas in Soweto. The minutes of the meeting of the Tswana School Board held on 20 January 1976 read: 'The circuit inspector told the Board that the Secretary for Bantu Education has stated that all direct taxes paid by the black population of South Africa are being sent to the various homelands for educational purposes there … In urban areas the education of a black child is being paid for by the white population, that is English- and Afrikaans- speaking groups. Therefore the Secretary for the Bantu Education has the responsibility of satisfying the English- and Afrikaans-speaking people. Consequently, as the only way of satisfying both groups, the medium of instruction in all schools shall be on a 50-50 basis ... In future, if schools teach through a medium not prescribed by the Department for a particular subject, examination question papers will only be set in the medium with no option of the other language.' The students initially organised themselves into local cultural groups and youth clubs until the formation of an action committee on 13 June 1976, which was later renamed the Soweto Student Representative Council (SSRC). They were influenced by national organisations such as the Black Peoples' Convention (BPC), South African Student Organisations (SASO) and by the Black Consciousness philosophy. They rejected the idea of being taught in the language of the oppressor. Copyright reserved Please turn over

Downloaded from hlayiso.com History/P1 10 DBE/Feb.–Mar. 2012 NSC – Addendum SOURCE 4B This source is a commemorative poster of Steve Biko. Taken from Biko – The Quest for a True Humanity. Copyright reserved Please turn over

Downloaded from hlayiso.com History/P1 11 DBE/Feb.–Mar. 2012 NSC – Addendum SOURCE 4C The source below consists of two extracts on the Soweto Uprising. EXTRACT 1: This is a statement by Khotso Seatlholo – a student and member of the Soweto Students Representative Council, 29 October 1976. Taken from www.sahistory.org.za/classroom/education-350years/timeline/1970s. html. In a statement on behalf of the Soweto Students Representative Council (SSRC), Khotso Seatlholo says, 'We have the full right to stand up and reject the whole system of apartheid. We cannot accept it as our fathers did. We are not carbon copies of our fathers. Where they failed, we will succeed. The mistakes they made will never be repeated. They carried the struggle up to where they could. We are very grateful to them. But now the struggle is ours. The ball of liberation is in our hands. The black student will stand up fearlessly and take arms against a political system ... We shall rise up and destroy a political ideology that is designed to keep us in a perpetual [continuous] state of oppression and subservience (obedience).' EXTRACT 2: This extract focuses on Jimmy Kruger's viewpoint of the role of the police during the Soweto Uprising. Taken from SOWETO – A History: Based on the Video Documentary, Soweto: A History by P Bonner et al. Jimmy Kruger, the Minister of Justice and Police, told an emotionally charged gathering in Parliament that the government had 'not expected anything like this to happen' and could have done nothing to avoid the crisis. He simply blamed the 'riots' on 'agitators' who were polarising (separating) the races in South Africa' and emphatically (definitely) denied that the police provoked the violence. 'Many of the so-called grievances are far-fetched. I have not found any grievances that would indicate that the Bantu Administration has flopped on the job. My first task is to rid South Africa of the thugs on the streets … The police conducted themselves with the greatest measure of patience in the face of the greatest measure of provocation (make worse). The police did everything in their power to bring the students under control and were eventually forced to fire warning shots over their heads.' A police colonel who was at the scene, however, contradicted Kruger saying that 'We fired into them – it's no use firing over their heads'. Copyright reserved Please turn over

Downloaded from hlayiso.com History/P1 12 DBE/Feb.–Mar. 2012 NSC – Addendum ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Visual sources and other historical evidence were taken from the following: Atkin, J. 1999. In Motion Magazine – Julius Nyerere (Washington; Portland) Bonner et al. Soweto – A History (Cape Town; Longman) Chrisp, P. 2002. 20th Century Leaders (Great Britain; White Thompson Publishers) Cooper, F. 2002. Africa Since 1940 – The Past of the Present (Cambridge University Press) Fairclough, A. 1990. Makers of the 20th Century (Great Britain; Macdonald Publishers) Govender, SP et al. 2006. New Generation History Grade 12 (Pinetown; New Generation Publishing Enterprises) Graves, F et al. 2006. Moments in History (Cape Town; Juta Gariep) Hindsight – History Magazine. 2002. (London) http://www.googlebooks.com http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/nsa/cuba mis cri/declass.htm Kassam, Y. 1995. Thinkers on Education – Julius Nyerere (Paris; UNESCO Publishing) Lane, P. 1978. The USA in the Twentieth Century Leadership vol. 10 (London; Batsford) Mwakhikagile, G. 2006. Tanzania under Mwalimu Nyerere (New African Press; Dar es Salaam) The New York Times, 23 October 1962 Sanders, V et al. 1990. Race Relations in the USA Since 1900 (Washington; Harper) Shi, DE et al. 1999. For the Record: A Documentary History of America Volume Two (Washington; WW Norton) Smith, N. 2000. The USA 1917–1980 (Oxford; Oxford University Press) Steve Biko Foundation. 2007. Biko – The Quest for a True Humanity The Star, 21 April 2011 Waugh, S. 2001. Essential Modern World History (Italy; Canale) www. infed.org/thinkers/et-nye.html www.sahistory.org.za/classroom/education-350years/timeline/1970s.html www.sahistory.org.za/pages/governance_projects/june16/june16.htm Copyright reserved