History P1 (HG) (English) June 2014 Addendum_hlayiso.com_.pdf

Downloaded from hlayiso.com SENIOR CERTIFICATE EXAMINATION HISTORY P1 HIGHER GRADE 2014 ADDENDUM This addendum consists of 11 pages. 12 Copyright reserved Please turn over

Downloaded from hlayiso.com History/HG/P1 2 DBE/2014 SCE – Addendum QUESTION 4: THE PERIOD 1924 TO 1948 4.1 WHAT ROLES DID GENERAL JBM HERTZOG AND GENERAL JC SMUTS PLAY IN THE PROCESS OF COALITION, FUSION AND SPLIT IN SOUTH AFRICAN POLITICS IN THE 1930s? SOURCE 4A This extract focuses on the coalition between General JBM Hertzog's National Party and General JC Smuts' South African Party. On 24 January [1930] the National Party caucus rejected any mention of coalition, and in parliament on the same day Hertzog also rejected Smuts's proposal for the formation of a coalition government. Yet Hertzog came to Smuts with coalition conditions barely three weeks later. How did this come about? Although the negotiations took place behind closed doors ... it is possible to trace the course of events after January [1930]. On 25 January [1930] Hertzog told Havenga and Pirow [members of the National Party] that under the circumstances coalition appeared to be the best step and that they should request Duncan (Smuts' chief negotiator) to keep the door to co-operation open. Shortly afterwards Hertzog discussed the matter with his cabinet. The cabinet was divided. DF Malan was against coalition from the start. At the end of January [1930] the SAP caucus finally rejected an agreement with [Tielman] Roos. In fact Smuts himself persuaded the caucus that the only possible agreement was with Hertzog. On 7 February [1930] Hertzog explained to the National Party caucus that coalition was necessary because Roos and his followers could any day force a general election – an election he was afraid the National Party would lose. If Smuts' offer were not accepted, it could drive him into the arms of Roos or the extremist Natalians, which would be catastrophic for Nationalists and Afrikaners. He also threatened to resign if a joint National Party congress rejected coalition. There was also doubt in the SAP caucus and men such as CF Stallard spoke out against coalition. [Differences between the NP and SAP were ironed out] ... and on 24 February 1930 the coalition agreement was announced in the press. Hertzog explained to the public ... the purpose of coalition was to reunite Afrikaners and in so doing, ensure the freedom of the Afrikaner and his language. th [Source: South Africa in the 20 Century by BJ Liebenberg] Copyright reserved Please turn over

Downloaded from hlayiso.com History/HG/P1 3 DBE/2014 SCE – Addendum SOURCE 4B The following cartoon focuses on coalition and fusion between the South African Party (SAP) and National Party (NP). The cartoon depicts the SAP and NP as two candles (1), collapsing (2) into a single candle (3). The newly created United Party is depicted as the South African Party. [Source: Die Burger, 17 January 1934] SOURCE 4C The following cartoon shows General JBM Hertzog (NP) on the left and General JC Smuts (SAP) on the right, standing with their backs to each other and DF Malan and F Stallard (with the Union Jack) walking away. [Source: Die Burger, 10 December 1934] Copyright reserved Please turn over

Downloaded from hlayiso.com History/HG/P1 4 DBE/2014 SCE – Addendum SOURCE 4D The following extract deals with the question of South Africa's participation in the Second World War. Matters came to a head with the outbreak of the Second World War in Europe. Unlike the constitutional arrangement during the time of the First World War, South Africa could now choose whether she was prepared to enter the war on the side of Britain or not. The cabinet was divided with Hertzog and Smuts taking diametrically [completely] opposed views. Hertzog argued that if South Africa joined the war on the side of Britain, it would be an indication that a certain section of the population was more concerned about British than South African interests. While Hertzog's argument carried a certain validity and conviction [certainty] in the South African context, he spoilt his case somewhat when during the course of his address he ventured [went] into the international arena and tried to defend the unlawful action of Adolf Hitler in Europe. Smuts deftly [cleverly] outlined the international situation and the possible ramifications [consequences] of what he considered an ill-fated [disastrous] policy of neutrality. South Africa's interests would not be served by remaining neutral, he argued. On the contrary, he claimed, in a world-wide conflagration [fire storm] it could only be in South Africa's interest to align [side with] herself with Britain. On Monday 4 September 1939 the issue [should South Africa participate in the war or not] was debated in parliament ... At 9 o'clock that evening the result of the voting was announced: 80 in favour of Smuts' policy and 67 in favour of Hertzog's. South Africa's entry into the war brought about a realignment in white politics and a split in the United Party. th [Source: South Africa in the 20 Century by BJ Liebenberg] Copyright reserved Please turn over

Downloaded from hlayiso.com History/HG/P1 5 DBE/2014 SCE – Addendum QUESTION 5: THE PERIOD 1948 TO 1976 5.1 HOW DID THE DEFIANCE CAMPAIGN OF THE 1950s CHALLENGE THE APARTHEID GOVERNMENT? SOURCE 5A The extract below focuses on the defiance campaign of the 1950s. By the end of 1950, Nelson Mandela had been elected National President of the Youth League and he and Walter Sisulu undertook the planning of further action [against the apartheid policy]. Mandela had been impressed by the Indian strikes of 1946. He also recalled the effectiveness of women's spontaneous protests against the extension of the Pass Laws in the Orange Free State in 1913, when they had dumped sacks of passes at municipal offices and chosen to go to jail rather than pay fines. His [Mandela's] evaluation of past experiences and his recognition of the widespread support the ANC could command, led to the idea of a national defiance campaign against apartheid. The defiance campaign would begin on 6 April 1952. This was a very significant day for Afrikaners, because it was 'Van Riebeeck Day' and exactly 300 years since the beginning of white rule in South Africa. The campaign would be based on non-violent protest in order to inspire confidence in the black population and evoke (stir up) the compassion and concern of whites who supported the anti-apartheid cause. They were made fully aware of the potential consequence of their actions. Dignity, calm and total commitment to the anti-apartheid cause were to characterise their actions. On 26 June, the anniversary of the ANC's first call for a stop-work, the first acts of defiance began. Defiance of the laws of apartheid took many forms, ranging from entering forbidden regions without permits, remaining on the streets after designated curfew hours, entering 'Europeans only' facilities and holding public gatherings, including prayer meetings. In August, 2 000 volunteers went to jail, while in September a further 2 358 followed. The protestors were undaunted (fearless) – folk songs were created to inspire and sustain the momentum of the movement; the example and inspiration of the ANC leaders and the defiance campaign itself fanned [stimulated] their hopes. [Source: South Africa: From Settlement to Self-determination by J Fenwick et al] Copyright reserved Please turn over

Downloaded from hlayiso.com History/HG/P1 6 DBE/2014 SCE – Addendum SOURCE 5B This is a photograph of women protesting with placards against the carrying of passes on their way to the Union Buildings on 9 August 1956. [Source: www.sahistory.org.za/sites/default/files/images/defiance_mayibuye.jpg] 'Women do not 'Pass laws want passes' mean broken homes' Copyright reserved Please turn over

Downloaded from hlayiso.com History/HG/P1 7 DBE/2014 SCE – Addendum SOURCE 5C The following extract focuses on Nelson Mandela's recollection of the Defiance Campaign that was held from 1952 onwards. Starting in Port Elizabeth in the early hours of 26 June and with only thirty- three defiers in action, and then in Johannesburg in the afternoon of the same day with 106 defiers, it spread through the country like wildfire. Factory and office workers, doctors, lawyers, teachers, students, and the clergy; Africans, Coloureds, Indians and Europeans, old and young, all rallied to the national call and defied the pass laws and the curfew and the railway apartheid regulations. By the end of the year, 8 500 people of all races had defied. The campaign called for immediate and heavy sacrifices. Workers lost their jobs, chiefs and teachers were expelled from the service, doctors, lawyers and businessmen gave up their practices and businesses and elected to go to jail. Defiance was a step of great political significance. It released stronger social forces which affected thousands of our countrymen. It was an effective way of getting the masses to function politically; a powerful method of voicing our indignation [anger] against the reactionary policies of the government. It was one of the best ways of exerting pressure on the government and extremely dangerous to the policy of the state. It inspired and aroused our people from a conquered and servile (slave-like) community of 'yes-men' to a militant and uncompromising [strict] band of comrades in arms. [Source: South Africa: From Settlement to Self-determination by J Fenwick et al] Copyright reserved Please turn over

Downloaded from hlayiso.com History/HG/P1 8 DBE/2014 SCE – Addendum QUESTION 6: THE PERIOD 1976 TO 1994 6.1 WHY WAS THE NATIONAL PARTY'S RULE IN SOUTH AFRICA FROM 1976 TO 1994 CHARACTERISED BY REPRESSION AND FAILED REFORMS? SOURCE 6A This extract focuses on government repression from 1976 to 1994. In 1977 the government banned 17 anti-apartheid organisations. Key leaders were imprisoned, and a new generation of activists joined the 1960s generation on Robben Island, South Africa's main jail for political prisoners. One of the most famous arrests in 1977 was that of Bantu Stephen Biko who was detained by police in the Eastern Cape. Biko was so severely beaten and tortured during police questioning that he died as a result of his injuries. On hearing about Biko's death, the Minister of Justice, Jimmy Kruger, said: 'It leaves me cold'. During the late 1970s and early 1980s other activists were killed in detention, and some were assassinated, including the University of Natal lecturer, Rick Turner. Acts of repression gave the security police and the army even more powers to shape government policy. In some ways, South Africa became a 'police state', similar to a number of countries in South America at the time. The government also intensified its policy of 'destabilising' the countries beyond South Africa's borders. The South African army became heavily involved in wars in Angola, Mozambique and, before its independence, Zimbabwe. South African soldiers raided these countries to strike at ANC bases, and to disrupt attempts by Umkhonto we Sizwe guerrillas to get back into South Africa. [Source: From Apartheid to Democracy – South Africa 1976-1994 by T Nuttal et al] Copyright reserved Please turn over

Downloaded from hlayiso.com History/HG/P1 9 DBE/2014 SCE – Addendum SOURCE 6B The following flow diagram illustrates PW Botha's tricameral parliamentary. State President and Cabinet choose choose choose White Coloureds Indian parliament parliament parliament Community 178 MPs 85 MPs 45 MPs councils elect elect elect elect 4,7 million 2,6 million 1,2 million 20,5 million Whites Coloureds Indians Africans [Source: Understanding Apartheid by S Pienaar] Copyright reserved Please turn over

Downloaded from hlayiso.com History/HG/P1 10 DBE/2014 SCE – Addendum SOURCE 6C This cartoon by Abe Berry was published in the late 1980s. It depicts PW Botha handing a gift labelled 'REFORM' to a black South African. Source: Act by Act – 40 Years of Nationalist Rule in South Africa by A Berry] Copyright reserved Please turn over

Downloaded from hlayiso.com History/HG/P1 11 DBE/2014 SCE – Addendum ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Extracts and visual sources used in this addendum were taken from the following publications: Beinart, W. 1994. Twentieth Century South Africa (Oxford: University Press) Berry, A. 1989. Act by Act – 40 Years of Nationalist Rule in South Africa (Johannesburg: Lowry) Bottaro, J and Visser, P. 1999. In Search of History Grade 12 (Cape Town: Oxford University Press) Brickhill, J. 1991. South Africa – The End of Apartheid? (London: Aladdin) Cameron-Dow, J. 1994. South Africa 1990–1994. The Miracle of a Freed Nation (Cape Town: Don Nelson) Danziger, C. South African History 1910–1970 (Cape Town: Oxford University Press) Davenport, TRH. 1987. South Africa: A Modern History (Bergvlei: Southern Book Publishers) Fenwick, J and Rosenhain, C. 1991. South Africa; From Settlement to Self-Determination (Melbourne: Oxford University Press) Govender, SP et al. 2003. New Generation History Study Guide Grade 12 (Musgrave: New Generation) Govender, SP et al. 2004. New Generation History Grade 12 (Musgrave: New Generation) Graves, FE and Viglieno, E. 2001. History for Today Grade 12 (Landsdowne: Juta Gariep) Institute for Justice and Reconciliation 2004. Turning Points in History Series Books 4–6 (Johannesburg: STE Publishers) Joubert, CJ. History for Std 10 (Johannesburg) Joyce, P. 1990. The Rise and Fall of Apartheid (Cape Town: Struik) Lenfeld, C et al. Understanding Apartheid (Cape Town) Lewsen, P. 1988. Voices of Protest – From Segregation to Apartheid (Johannesburg: AD Donker) Liebenberg, BJ. Et al. South Africa in the 20th century (Pretoria) Mulholland, R. 1998. South Africa 1948–1994 Nuttal, T et al. From Apartheid to Democracy (Pietermaritzburg: Shuter & Shooter) Pienaar, S. Understanding Apartheid (Cape Town) Roberts, M. 1993. A History of South Africa (Essex: Longman) Seleti, Y (series ed.). Looking into the Past Grade 12 (Cape Town: Maskew Miller Longman) Suttner Raymond (n.d.) The Freedom Charter – The People's Charter in the Nineteen-Eighties (Paper delivered at the University of Cape Town) www.sahistory.org.za/sites/default/files/images/defiance_mayibuye.jpg Copyright reserved