History Grade 12 P2 Gauteng Mock 2025 Question Paper (Eng)

PREPARATORY EXAMINATION 2025 10792 HISTORY (PAPER 2) TIME: 3 hours MARKS: 150 9 pages + an addendum of 14 pages P.T.O.

HISTORY 2 (PAPER 2) 10792/25 INSTRUCTIONS AND INFORMATION 1. This question paper consists of SECTION A and SECTION B based on the prescribed content framework in the CAPS document. SECTION A: SOURCE-BASED QUESTIONS QUESTION 1: CIVIL RESISTANCE, 1970s TO 1980s: SOUTH AFRICA – THE CRISIS OF APARTHEID IN THE 1980s QUESTION 2: THE COMING OF DEMOCRACY TO SOUTH AFRICA AND COMING TO TERMS WITH THE PAST QUESTION 3: THE END OF THE COLD WAR AND A NEW WORLD ORDER, 1989 TO THE PRESENT SECTION B: ESSAY QUESTIONS QUESTION 4: CIVIL RESISTANCE, 1970s TO 1980s: SOUTH AFRICA – THE CRISIS OF APARTHEID IN THE 1980s QUESTION 5: THE COMING OF DEMOCRACY TO SOUTH AFRICA AND COMING TO TERMS WITH THE PAST QUESTION 6: THE END OF THE COLD WAR AND A NEW WORLD ORDER: THE EVENTS OF 1989 2. SECTION A consists of THREE source-based questions. Source material that is required to answer these questions can be found in the ADDENDUM. 3. SECTION B consists of THREE essay questions. 4. Answer THREE questions as follows: 4.1 At least ONE must be a source-based question and at least ONE must be an essay question. 4.2 The THIRD question can be either a source-based question or an essay question. 5. You are advised to spend at least ONE hour per question 6. When answering questions, you should apply your knowledge, skills and insight. 7. You will be disadvantaged by merely rewriting the sources as answers. 8. Number the answers correctly according to the numbering system used in this question paper. 9. Write neatly and legibly. P.T.O.

HISTORY 3 (PAPER 2) 10792/25 SECTION A: SOURCE-BASED QUESTIONS Answer at least ONE question, but not more than TWO questions, in this section. Source material to be used to answer these questions is contained in the ADDENDUM. QUESTION 1: HOW DID THE BLACK SASH CHALLENGE THE APARTHEID REGIME IN THE 1980s? Study Sources 1A, 1B, 1C and 1D and answer the questions that follow. 1.1 Read Source 1A. 1.1.1 When, according to the source, was the Black Sash founded? (1 x 1) (1) 1.1.2 Name any TWO women who were involved in the founding of the Black Sash. (2 x 1) (2) 1.1.3 What, according to the source, was one of the reasons for the formation of the Black Sash? (1 x 1) (1) 1.1.4 Define the term constitution in your own words. (1 x 2) (2) 1.1.5 How, according to the source, did the members of the Black Sash protest against unfair apartheid government policies? (1 x 2) (2) 1.1.6 Using the information in the source and your own knowledge, explain why the pass laws were the most hated laws. (2 x 2) (4) 1.2 Use Source 1B. 1.2.1 Identify TWO women’s anti-apartheid organisations in the source from which the Black Sash sought help. (2 x 1) (2) 1.2.2 Comment on why the number of people seeking help from the Black Sash Advice Offices increased between the 1960s and 1970s. (2 x 2) (4) 1.2.3 Explain the concept sit-ins in the context of the Black Sash protest actions against the apartheid government in the 1980s. (1 x 2) (2) 1.2.4 What do you think is implied by the phrase, “… throughout the 1980s this exercise provided an insight into the political reality for South African non-white citizens during the century”. (1 x 2) (2) P.T.O.

HISTORY 4 (PAPER 2) 10792/25 1.3 Refer to Source 1C. 1.3.1 Explain why this photograph was taken? (2 x 2) (4) 1.3.2 Comment on the usefulness of this photograph to a historian researching Black Sash activism during apartheid. (2 x 2) (4) 1.4 Refer to Sources 1B and 1C. Explain how the information in Source 1C supports the evidence in Source 1B, regarding the role played by the Black Sash during apartheid. (2 x 2) (4) 1.5 Consult Source 1D. 1.5.1 What, according to the source, was the purpose of the laws passed in the 1980s? (1 x 1) (1) 1.5.2 Quote evidence from the source that explains the reason for the arrest of twenty-two members of the Western Cape region. (1 x 1) (1) 1.5.3 Give evidence from the source that suggests that the Black Sash members were not treated as harshly as black protesters by the police. (1 x 2) (2) 1.5.4 Why do you think that Nelson Mandela recognised the role of the Black Sash upon his release from prison? (2 x 2) (4) 1.6 Using the information in the relevant sources and your own knowledge, write a paragraph of about EIGHT lines (about 80 words) explaining how the Black Sash challenged the apartheid regime in the 1980s. (8) [50] P.T.O.

HISTORY 5 (PAPER 2) 10792/25 QUESTION 2: WAS THE TRUTH AND RECONCILIATION COMMISSION (TRC) ABLE TO BRING CLOSURE TO BLACK SOUTH AFRICAN FAMILIES FOR THE MURDERS OF ANTI-APARTHEID ACTIVISTS SUCH AS NTOMBI KUBHEKA? Study Sources 2A, 2B, 2C and 2D and answer the questions that follow. 2.1 Use Source 2A. 2.1.1 According to the source, when did South Africans witness the first Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) sitting? (1 x 1) (1) 2.1.2 What, according to the source, did black people in particular, hope to gain from the TRC sittings? (1 x 2) (2) 2.1.3 Define the term amnesty in your own words. (1 x 2) (2) 2.1.4 Name any THREE victims in the source for whom family members still expected justice. (3 x 1) (3) 2.1.5 Explain what is implied by the statement: “... by choosing to either remain tight-lipped about their crimes …” in the context of achieving reconciliation in South Africa. (2 x 2) (4) 2.2 Read Source 2B. 2.2.1 According to the source, what name was given to the armed wing of the African National Congress (ANC)? (1 x 2) (2) 2.2.2 Comment on why you think the Security Branch of the South African Police kidnapped and tortured Ntombi Kubheka. (2 x 2) (4) 2.2.3 Why was it important for Ntombi’s family to give her a funeral and a tombstone? (1 x 2) (2) 2.2.4 Explain the significance of the statement, “Thuli is confronted with a shocking event that restirs (brings back) The Bones of Memories”. (1 x 2) (2) P.T.O.

HISTORY 6 (PAPER 2) 10792/25 2.3 Study Source 2C. 2.3.1 Why do you think that this advertisement was published? (2 x 2) (4) 2.3.2 Explain why a historian would consider this source as reliable when researching the life and role of anti-apartheid activist Ntombi Kubheka. (1 x 2) (2) 2.4 Consult Source 2D. 2.4.1 Explain the term anti-apartheid activist in the context of apartheid South Africa. (1 x 2) (2) 2.4.2 Indicate, according to the source, the evidence given before the TRC amnesty committee regarding the death of Ntombi by the following persons: (a) Major Hendrik Botha (1 x 2) (2) (b) Lawyer John Wills (1 x 2) (2) 2.4.3 Comment on why the evidence given by the security police differed from the evidence given by the Kubheka family’s lawyer. (1 x 2) (2) 2.4.4 Quote evidence from the source indicating that the two askari’s, Simon Radebe and Jimmy Mbane were working with the security police to kill Ntombi Kubheka. (1 x 2) (2) 2.5 Refer to Sources 2B and 2D. Explain how the information in Source 2D supports the evidence in Source 2B, regarding the manner in which Ntombi Kubheka was assassinated by the apartheid security police in 1987. (2 x 2) (4) 2.6 Using the information in the relevant sources and your own knowledge, write a paragraph of about EIGHT lines (about 80 words) explaining whether the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) was able to bring closure to black South African families for the murders of anti-apartheid activists such as Ntombi Kubheka. (8) [50] P.T.O.

PLEASE DETACH THIS ADDENDUM OF 14 PAGES. PREPARATORY EXAMINATION 2025 10792 HISTORY (PAPER 2) ADDENDUM 14 pages P.T.O.

HISTORY ADDENDUM 2 (PAPER 2) 10792/25 QUESTION 1: HOW DID THE BLACK SASH CHALLENGE THE APARTHEID REGIME IN THE 1980s? SOURCE 1A The source below is an extract taken from an article titled 'The Black Sash' by Rheian Davies, published in the journal Socialist Lawyer. It gives reasons why the Black Sash was formed in the 1950s. The Black Sash was founded on 19 May 1955 by Jean Sinclair, Ruth Foley, Elizabeth McLaren, Tertia Pybus, Jean Bosazza, and Helen Newton-Thompson. They initially campaigned against the removal of the mixed-race voters (known as ‘coloured’ in South Africa) from the voters’ roll in the Cape Province. The ‘Black Sash’ was adopted to mark the mourning of the death of the South African constitution as the apartheid regime rolled out into every aspect of life. They used the privilege of white skin to protest in ways that the black community could not. The first protest in 1955 saw 2 500 white women march in silence across Johannesburg. Images of protests and vigils (observations) from the 50s show the women in their Sunday best lined up in neat rows. Later they added a rose to the black sash, and a book representing the constitution, which emphasised their ‘feminine’ orientation and non-violent philosophy. The movement at first had a very liberal and moralistic (upright) feel, but this was to change. The Black Sash held regular vigils (observation sessions) outside parliament and, compared to black protesters, were initially treated with kid gloves by the police. However, many women faced condemnation from their own communities and it was not unusual for Black Sash women to be physically attacked by other whites. Many women joined Black Sash in secret. Their husbands were not aware that they were protesting or assisting black communities when they were meant to be cleaning the house. The movement also believed in practical solidarity and provided legal clinics staffed by volunteer caseworkers, with qualified lawyers donating pro bono (free) hours to take cases to courts or labour boards. Most dealt with the hated pass laws. The offices were busy and reports for the Johannesburg Advice Centre from August 1975 showed that the caseworkers conducted an average of 22,2 client interviews per day. [Adapted from 10.13169/socialistlawyer.72.0042. Accessed on 3 January 2025.] P.T.O.

HISTORY ADDENDUM 3 (PAPER 2) 10792/25 SOURCE 1B The source below was taken from the South African History online website. It highlights the activities of Black Sash during the apartheid years. During this time in 1958 the Black Sash women also opened its first advice office in Cape Town to provide legal aid services for the victims of pass laws. The advice offices sought to aid victims of apartheid legislation within lawful means. Though because the Black Sash women were not very keen on the legislation that affected African people, they looked for help from other African women’s anti-apartheid organisations. These include the African National Congress Women’s League (ANCWL) and Cape Association to Abolish Passes for African Women (CATAPAW), among other organisations and townships. The opening of the first office in cooperation with other anti-apartheid organisations became a major milestone in the Black Sash organisational development. The women were now not only talking, protesting and writing of change but making an effort to understand and help the people who would mostly be affected by any change in an apartheid society. Following the opening of the first Black Sash advice office, other members started to follow suit by opening up offices throughout the country. Between the 1960s and the 1970s the offices were packed with thousands of people seeking help from unjust laws regarding forced removals of communities, segregation, discrimination in education and the workplace and health care. These were only some of the issues among many that affected the African population. The women in the offices were constantly learning of laws that came against Africans, their effect, and how to fight them. A productive strategy that many members undertook were sit-ins in the commission courts. Well throughout the 1980s this exercise provided an insight into the political reality for South African non- white citizens during the century. One of the main strategies, from the beginning was applying pressure on the government by educating the wider public by means of the media via documented protests, pamphlets, Black Sash newspapers and informational meetings. [Adapted from https://www.sahistory.org.za/article/black-sash-history-transformation Accessed on 5 January 2025.] P.T.O.

HISTORY ADDENDUM 4 (PAPER 2) 10792/25 SOURCE 1C The photograph below is from an e-book titled Standing on Street Corners by Mary Kleinenberg and Christopher Merrett. It shows The Black Sash members gathering before the Standing for Truth Campaign peace march, at the Cathedral of the Holy Nativity, in Pietermaritzburg, on the 21st September 1989. (From left to right are: Fidela Fouché, Didi Stevens, Bochara Karam, Mary Kleinenberg and Lorenza Cowling). [Source : https://www.natalia.org.za/Files/Publications/Black%20Sash%20book.pdf. Accessed on 9 June 2025.] BLACK SASH SUPPORTS PEACEFUL PROTEST P.T.O.

HISTORY ADDENDUM 5 (PAPER 2) 10792/25 SOURCE 1D The source below is taken from a book titled, A Transnational History of the Black Sash and FEDSAW 1955–2001 by Monica Ferro Gameiro Fernandes, a University of London student. It highlights how the Black Sash were harassed by apartheid police in the 1980s. By the 1980s laws were passed to limit protests to one person outside parliament. Members of the Black Sash stood alone outside parliament and other government offices on a regular basis. They would also leave giant black sashes hanging from government buildings or on steps where events were due to take place. They also took to the practice of ‘ghosting’ or ‘haunting’. Single (individual) white women would follow government ministers to official openings and functions and stand by them in silence, always wearing their black sash. They also entered government buildings and silently followed government ministers around, which was surprisingly effective at perturbing (unsettling) these men, the same men who had no qualms (doubts) about sending in tanks (armoured vehicles) against children or torturing detainees. On Thursday, 24 August 1989, twenty-two members of the Western Cape region were arrested for holding a mass stand (protest) in Greenmarket Square, following a public meeting addressed by the National President, Mary Burton, and other speakers. Police arrived and ordered them to disperse, and when they failed to do so immediately, the posters and banners were confiscated and the standers (crowd) rounded-up. However, they merely had their photographs and fingerprints taken, after which they were released on their own recognizances (promises) and the dockets were forwarded to the Attorney General, but no further action was taken. Most members of the Black Sash were regularly arrested and detained and their families were harassed by the state, although they experienced better treatment because of their white skin. Forty years of the Black Sash as a resistance movement came to an end with the dismantling of apartheid. Its role was recognised by Nelson Mandela upon his release from prison. The Black Sash also took part in the talks that led to the Truth and Reconciliation Commission. [Adapted from Beyond borders: A Transnational History of the Black Sash and FEDSAW, by Monica Ferro Gameiro Fernandes] P.T.O.

HISTORY ADDENDUM 6 (PAPER 2) 10792/25 QUESTION 2: WAS THE TRUTH AND RECONCILIATION COMMISSION (TRC) ABLE TO BRING CLOSURE TO BLACK SOUTH AFRICAN FAMILIES FOR THE MURDERS OF ANTI-APARTHEID ACTIVISTS SUCH AS NTOMBI KUBHEKA? SOURCE 2A The source below is an extract from City Press published on 19 December 2024. It was written by Mbali Mbatha and was titled TRC 28 years later, no truth no reconciliation. It highlighted what black people expected to gain from the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC). On 16 April 1996, South Africans witnessed the first Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) sitting, where black people, in particular, were filled with hope and faith that the truth about how the apartheid police had mercilessly tortured and murdered their loved ones would eventually be heard. Victims of apartheid believed that they could finally reconcile their dispersed (scattered) emotions that had been sent into disarray (chaos) by the unexplained disappearances of their kin (relatives) at the hands of the then government. The agreement was simple: Perpetrators were to thoroughly empty their bags of secrets, naming and shaming the instigators (who gave the orders) of the call to the murder of respective apartheid casualties (victims) in return for amnesty from facing the full might of the newly established democratic law. Twenty-eight years later, these and other expectations set by the establishment of the TRC have yet to bring a shred of justice to the families of Richard Motasi and his wife Irene Motasi, Ntombi Kubheka, Matthews Mabalane, Phila Ndwandwe and many others. Perpetrators of these and numerous other killings and disappearances ordered by the apartheid police continue to exercise their right to freedom of speech that came with the birth of the country’s democracy by choosing to either remain tight-lipped about their crimes or only reveal dribs and drabs of the true extent of their actions against their victims. [Adapted from https://www.news24.com/citypress/voices/trc-28-years-later-no-truth-no- reconciliation-20241103. Accessed on 19 December 2024.] P.T.O.

HISTORY ADDENDUM 7 (PAPER 2) 10792/25 SOURCE 2B The extract below is from a documentary titled, The Bones of Memory dated 18 July 2024 by the Institute for Justice and Reconciliation (IJR). It focuses on the murder of Ntombi Kubheka, an ANC operative that was executed by the apartheid police for her role during the apartheid struggle. Ntombi was an anti-apartheid activist and member of the armed wing of the banned African National Congress (ANC), Umkhonto weSizwe (MK). She worked as an operative for the organisation and was responsible for coordinating activities between the internal unit and the external unit of the ANC, as well as for coordinating other underground activities. The Security Branch of the South African Police (SAP) regarded Kubheka as a senior ANC member and had classified her as being the leader of the KwaMashu ANC branch. In 1987 Ntombi was kidnapped by the Port Natal Security Branch and interrogated and tortured. Her body was dumped near her home north of Durban. It was only 10 years later during the TRC Amnesty application that the family were made aware where Ntombi’s bones were buried and were finally able to give her a funeral and a tombstone. At the time of her death Ntombi had a 3-year-old daughter. Today, 40-year-old Thuli grapples with the legacy of her mother and how difficult life has been for her without a mother. Currently living in KwaMashu in a one-room back room with her 10-year-old daughter Zizipho, Thuli ponders (thinks about) whether her mother had died in vain. An inquest into her (Ntombi’s) death was opened in 2022. During the filming of the documentary, Thuli is confronted with a shocking event that restirs (brings back) The Bones of Memory. [Adapted from https://artfluence.ukzn.ac.za/events/film-screening-ntombikayise-kubheka- the-bones-of-memory. Accessed on 19 December 2024.] P.T.O.

HISTORY ADDENDUM 8 (PAPER 2) 10792/25 SOURCE 2C The poster below was published by the University of KwaZulu-Natal and features the film screening of the story of ANC activist Ntombikayise Kubheka. The documentary by a credible filmmaker, Enver Samuel, focuses on the life and murder of Ntombi. The screening was scheduled for 3 – 8 May 2024. [Source: https://artfluence.ukzn.ac.za/events/film-screening-ntombikayise-kubheka-the- bones-of-memory/. Accessed on 21 December 2024.] P.T.O.

HISTORY ADDENDUM 9 (PAPER 2) 10792/25 SOURCE 2D The source below is from Independent Online (IOL), a South African media platform, dated 1 September 1999. It highlights aspects from a dispute that emerged during the TRC hearings into the death of Ntombi Kubheka. Another dispute has erupted between Durban security branch police officers seeking amnesty and the family of anti-apartheid activist Ntombi Priscilla Kubheka over the circumstances surrounding her death. The police officers, led by Major Hendrik Botha, told the amnesty committee of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) sitting in Durban that “she died of a heart attack as she was a large woman and overweight”. But the family, led by the South African Ambassador to Denmark, Themba Kubheka, contends that the police shot her in the head before dumping her body, which was exhumed at Groutville, near KwaDukuza, in May 1997. She died in 1987 when she was 41 years old. In his evidence, Botha said Kubheka was never shot but died of a heart attack. The Kubheka family, represented by their lawyer John Wills, said she was shot and, when exhumed, a bullethole was found in her skull. But the police officers declared that the wrong body had been exhumed – a claim challenged by the family, who professed to have evidence to prove that the exhumed remains were those of Kubheka. … Two askaris (ANC activists turned police or state informants), Warrant Officers Simon Radebe and Jimmy Mbane, assisted in the murder of Kubheka, the TRC committee heard. The two askaris pretended to be MK members and offered to accommodate activists from Swaziland. They lured Kubheka to her arrest and she died at the hands of Botha and his team. The police had wanted to obtain information on the arrival of four MK members from Swaziland. When the activists failed to arrive after six weeks, even though this information had been supplied by Mbane, Botha ordered Kubheka's arrest. She was killed at a shooting range in Winkelspruit, near Amanzimtoti. [Adapted from https://www.iol.co.za/news/south-africa/trc-dispute-over-mk-members-death- 10790. Accessed on 22 December 2024.] P.T.O.

HISTORY ADDENDUM 10 (PAPER 2) 10792/25 QUESTION 3: HOW DO INTERNATIONAL E-COMMERCE GIANTS (COMPANIES) AFFECT THE RETAIL INDUSTRY IN SOUTH AFRICA IN THE 21ST CENTURY? SOURCE 3A The source below is taken from an article titled Battling the Giants: How South African retailers can compete with Temu and Shein. It highlights the challenges and opportunities presented by these online stores to the South African retail industry. In recent years, South African retailers have been facing an unprecedented (unmatched) challenge. Online retail giants like Temu and Shein have stormed the market, disrupting the local retail landscape and posing significant threats to homegrown businesses. As business confidence wavers (hesitates) amidst (within) economic uncertainties, the pressure on local retailers, especially in the clothing sector, is palpable (obvious). These international e-commerce behemoths (large companies) are not just competitors; they are a looming (approaching) threat to the survival of beloved local brands. With every click and online purchase, the stakes (risks) for South African retailers have never been higher. Temu and Shein have captured significant market share by offering affordable and fashionable clothing, often at prices that local retailers find hard to match. Their ability to leverage (influence) loopholes in the South African tax system allowed them to offer products at lower prices, creating an uneven playing field. This competitive edge has been a critical factor in their rapid growth and popularity among South African consumers. To address this disparity (imbalance), the South African Revenue Service (SARS) is set to implement new tax regulations from 1 July 2024. These changes will impose a 45% import duty (tax) plus VAT on all clothing parcels, closing the tax loophole that Temu and Shein have exploited. This move aims to level the playing field for local retailers who have been at a disadvantage due to the existing tax structures. Michael Lawrence, executive director of the National Clothing Retail Federation, emphasises that the new taxes will benefit the local manufacturing sector. Lawrence points out that while consumers are facing higher costs, the long-term benefits include more robust (healthy) local businesses and increased job security. [Source: https://hugeconnect.co.za/2024/06/20/battling-the-giants-how-south-african- retailers-can-compete-with-temu-and-shein-2/. Accessed on 18 December 2024.] P.T.O.

HISTORY ADDENDUM 11 (PAPER 2) 10792/25 SOURCE 3B The extract below titled Shein and Temu threatens South African jobs, highlights the disparities (imbalances) caused by online shopping on the South African economy and the harmful effects that they have on local industries and job opportunities. Naspers (a South African multi-national company) which owns the Takealot Group reported on Monday that low-cost Chinese fashion and general merchandise online retailers, Shein and Temu, have taken advantage of loopholes to undercut South African e-commerce companies unfairly. In notes accompanying Naspers’s annual results for the year-ended 31 March 2024, Takealot accused Shein and Temu – and others like them – of threatening South Africa’s “reindustrialisation and localisation efforts”. “These platforms contribute to a market imbalance by flooding the market with inexpensive imports. This influx (rush) is particularly noticeable in the local apparel (clothing) sector due to Shein, and in the wider general merchandise market, affected by both Shein and Temu. Such trends pose significant challenges to the development and sustainability of domestic industries. Such a scenario threatens the vitality (strength) of the local economy and undermines sustainable (endurable) development efforts. “This form of commerce extracts value from South African consumers without contributing to local communities, ultimately harming small businesses, local manufacturers and the limited job opportunities available.” Takealot accused the companies of “exploiting outdated regulations and loopholes by using shipping methods that allow them to offer products at exceptionally low prices while avoiding duties, taxes and other government fees imposed on conventional retailers”. “We have been working closely with SARS and customs to ensure we operate on a level playing field,” said Anthony Thunström, CEO of TFG, which owns brands such as Foschini and Bash. Over the last few months, there has been significantly better enforcement from SARS and customs. “Everyone has to pay the full customs duties and the full VAT,” said outgoing trade minister Ebrahim Patel, according to a report in the Sunday Times earlier in June. “This ensures that South Africa is not left poorer as a result of any gaps in our regulatory (administrative) environment.” [Adapted from https://techcentral.co.za/shein-and-temu-threaten-jobs-takealot/246823/. Accessed on 17 December 2024.] P.T.O.

HISTORY ADDENDUM 12 (PAPER 2) 10792/25 SOURCE 3C The photograph below is from a research article conducted for Tearfund, a New Zealand based humanitarian organisation. It highlights the enormous pressure placed on factories to manufacture garments at a cheaper price and within a faster timeframe as well as the negative impact this has on the workers. [Source: https://www.tearfund.org.nz/Get-Involved/The-Dark-Side-of-Our-Love-Affair-with-Temu-and- Ultra-Fast-Fashion. Accessed on 11 December 2024.] P.T.O.

HISTORY ADDENDUM 13 (PAPER 2) 10792/25 SOURCE 3D The source below raises the South African consumers’ concerns regarding tariff hikes on Shein and Temu purchases. It highlights the positive impact of Temu and Shein on ordinary South Africans. Thousands of people have signed a petition opposing the SA Revenue Service decision to close a loophole in the tariff (charge) on clothes imported from outlets such as Shein and Temu. Before 1 November, importers had to pay a 45% tariff on clothes above R500, as well as VAT. But a “concession” was applied for goods valued at less than R500, with importers paying a flat rate of 20% instead of a tariff, and no VAT. According to Simon Eppel, director of policy and research at the Southern African Clothing and Textile Workers Union (SACTWU), this allowed retailers such as Shein and Temu to sell their products more cheaply, undercutting local retailers, and undermining local factories. South Africa’s Retail-Clothing, Textile, Footwear and Leather Masterplan launched in 2019, was designed to strengthen local factories and increase jobs in the industry. According to Eppel, more than 20,000 jobs have been created, and there has been an increase in locally-sourced clothing, accessories and footwear by almost 60%. The Masterplan also includes measures to minimise customs fraud, which Eppel says is one of the biggest challenges facing clothing manufacturers. Goods are misclassified or under-invoiced to evade tariffs (charges) and then sold at deflated (lower) prices, undermining local factories. But Free Market Foundation policy officer Zakhele Mthembu told GroundUp that people who relied on cheap clothing will not be able to afford those products anymore. “The government, after being lobbied (pressured) by local businesses, has the intention of making imports more expensive so that consumers would buy the already expensive clothing sold by South African retailers,” Mthembu said. More than 24,000 people have signed a petition on change.org, calling on SARS not to implement the change. “South Africans cannot afford this, we buy from Shein and Temu because we cannot afford clothes from local businesses. The point of Shein and Temu is affordability,” the petition reads. [Adapted from https://groundup.org.za/article/tariffs-on-shein-and-temu-cheaper-clothes- versus-saving-jobs/. Accessed on 10 December 2024.] P.T.O.

HISTORY ADDENDUM 14 (PAPER 2) 10792/24 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Visual sources and other historical evidence were taken from the following: Fernandes MFG. Beyond borders: A transnational history of the black sash and FEDSAW, 1952 – 1962. Brunel University London Rheian D . Socialist Lawyer: The Black Sash Movement. February 2016. Pluto Journals pp. 42 – 43. 10.13169/socialistlawyer.72.0042 https://www.natalia.org.za/Files/Publications/Black%20Sash%20book.pdf. https://www.sahistory.org.za/article/black-sash-history-transformation https://www.news24.com/citypress/voices/trc-28-years-later-no-truth-no-reconciliation- 20241103. https://artfluence.ukzn.ac.za/events/film-screening-ntombikayise-kubheka-the-bones-of- memory/ https://artfluence.ukzn.ac.za/events/film-screening-ntombikayise-kubheka-the-bones-of- memory/ https://www.iol.co.za/news/south-africa/trc-dispute-over-mk-members-death-10790 https://hugeconnect.co.za/2024/06/20/battling-the-giants-how-south-african-retailers- can-compete-with-temu-and-shein-2/ https://techcentral.co.za/shein-and-temu-threaten-jobs-takealot/246823/ https://www.tearfund.org.nz/Get-Involved/The-Dark-Side-of-Our-Love-Affair-with-Temu- and-Ultra-Fast-Fashion https://groundup.org.za/article/tariffs-on-shein-and-temu-cheaper-clothes-versus-saving- jobs/ END

HISTORY 7 (PAPER 2) 10792/25 QUESTION 3: HOW DO INTERNATIONAL E-COMMERCE GIANTS (COMPANIES) AFFECT THE RETAIL INDUSTRY IN SOUTH AFRICA IN THE 21ST CENTURY? Study Sources 3A, 3B, 3C and 3D and answer the questions that follow. 3.1 Refer to Source 3A. 3.1.1 Why, according to the source, has the South African retail industry been facing challenges in recent years? (1 x 2) (2) 3.1.2 Identify TWO international e-commerce companies mentioned in the source. (2 x 1) (2) 3.1.3 Explain in your own words why e-commerce companies are a “looming (approaching) threat for the survival of local brands”. (1 x 2) (2) 3.1.4 Quote from the source, the measures taken by the South African Revenue Services to address the imbalance in the retail industry. (1 x 2) (2) 3.1.5 Using the information in the source and your own knowledge, explain how the new tax initiatives will benefit the South African retail industry. (1 x 2) (2) 3.2 Read Source 3B. 3.2.1 Name the South African multi-national group mentioned in the source. (1 x 1) (1) 3.2.2 Define the term reindustrialisation in your own words. (1 x 2) (2) 3.2.3 Comment on the significance of the statement, “such a scenario threatens the vitality (strength) of the local economy and undermines sustainable development efforts”. (2 x 2) (4) 3.2.4 According to the source, which TWO brands are owned by the TFG group? (2 x 1) (2) P.T.O.

HISTORY 8 (PAPER 2) 10792/25 3.3 Refer to Sources 3A and 3B. Explain how the information in Source 3B supports the evidence in Source 3A, regarding the negative impact of international online stores on the local retail industry. (2 x 2) (4) 3.4 Consult Source 3C. 3.4.1 Why do you think this photograph was taken? (2 x 2) (4) 3.4.2 Comment on the meaning of the slogan, “The Dark Side of our Love Affair with Temu and Ultra-Fast Fashion”. (1 x 2) (2) 3.4.3 Explain the limitations of the source for a researcher studying the exploitation of workers in the factories supplying the fast fashion industry. (2 x 2) (4) 3.5 Read Source 3D. 3.5.1 Identify the trade union mentioned in the source. (1 x 1) (1) 3.5.2 Explain the concept petition in the context of tariff hikes on Shein and Temu purchases. (1 x 2) (2) 3.5.3 According to the source, which initiative was launched in 2019 to strengthen local factories and increase jobs in the retail industry. (1 x 2) (2) 3.5.4 Using information in the source and your own knowledge, explain how South Africa’s Retail Clothing, Textile, Footwear and Leather Masterplan has strengthened the local retail industry. (2 x 2) (4) 3.6 Using the information in the relevant sources and your own knowledge, write a paragraph of about EIGHT lines (about 80 words) explaining how international e-commerce giants (companies) affect the retail industry in South Africa in the 21st century. (8) [50] P.T.O.

HISTORY 9 (PAPER 2) 10792/25 SECTION B: ESSAY QUESTIONS Answer at least ONE question but not more than TWO questions, in this section. Your essay should be about THREE pages long. QUESTION 4: THE CIVIL RESISTANCE, 1970s TO 1980s: SOUTH AFRICA – THE CRISIS OF APARTHEID IN THE 1980s Critically discuss how Steve Biko and the Black Consciousness Movement empowered black South Africans to stand up for themselves against the apartheid regime in the 1960s and 1970s. Substantiate your line of argument with relevant evidence. [50] QUESTION 5: THE COMING OF DEMOCRACY TO SOUTH AFRICA AND COMING TO TERMS WITH THE PAST Explain to what extent the road to democracy was characterised by a combination of challenging circumstances which ultimately led to a negotiated settlement in South Africa in 1994. Use relevant historical evidence to substantiate your line of argument. [50] QUESTION 6: THE END OF THE COLD WAR AND A NEW WORLD ORDER: THE EVENTS OF 1989 The collapse of the Soviet Union in 1989 served as a major catalyst (spark) for the political transition that occurred in South Africa in the 1990s. Do you agree with this statement? Use relevant historical evidence to support your line of argument. [50] TOTAL: 150 END