History Grade 12 P2 Gauteng Mock 2015 Addendum (English)

Downloaded from hlayiso.com GAUTENG DEPARTMENT OF EDUCATION PREPARATORY EXAMINATION 2015 10792 HISTORY – ADDENDUM SECOND PAPER 14 Pages 3 P.T.O.

Downloaded from hlayiso.com HISTORY ADDENDUM 2 (Second Paper) 10792/15 GAUTENG DEPARTMENT OF EDUCATION PREPARATORY EXAMINATION HISTORY (Second Paper) QUESTION 1 WHAT IMPACT DID THE PHILOSOPHY OF BLACK CONSCIOUSNESS (BC) HAVE ON THE STUDENTS OF SOWETO IN THE 1970s? SOURCE 1A The following extract focuses on the philosophy of Black Consciousness. All in all the black man has become a shell, a shadow of a man, completely defeated, drowning in his own misery, a slave, an ox bearing the yoke (burden) of oppression with sheepish timidity (shyness). This is the first truth, bitter as it may seem, that we have to acknowledge before we can start on any programme to change the status quo (existing conditions). It becomes more necessary to see the truth, as it is, if you realize that the only vehicle for change is these people who have lost their personality. The first step, therefore, is to make the black man come to himself, to pump back life into his empty shell; to infuse him with pride and dignity, to remind him of his complicity in the crime of allowing himself to be misused and therefore letting evil reign supreme in the country of his birth. This is what we mean by an inward-looking process. This is the definition of Black Consciousness. [From: Steve Biko: I Write What I Like, edited by A Stubbs] P.T.O.

Downloaded from hlayiso.com HISTORY ADDENDUM 3 (Second Paper) 10792/15 SOURCE 1B This extract highlights the influence that the philosophy of Black Consciousness had on the youth of Soweto in 1976. It was evident in the months before and subsequent to the historic march on 16 June 1976, that the struggle against Afrikaans was not simply a problem about language. Encapsulated (enclosed) in the rejection of Afrikaans was a series of grievances about Bantu Education, the dire (bad) conditions in the townships, the suppression of black discontent (dissatisfaction) and the denial of black aspirations. In other words, the system – apartheid – had become unbearable. Despite growing dissatisfaction among black people, political mobilisation remained very limited in the townships during the late 1960s and early 1970s. But there were two parallel processes unfolding in this period that would converge (meet) and fundamentally alter black politics. Firstly, there was a sharp increase in the number of African students, especially in secondary schools. For the first time in the country’s history there were millions of black students at school, constituting an important social force. Secondly, Black Consciousness provided young black students with the political tools to understand the nature of their oppression and inculcated in them a spirit of defiance. It also provided political cohesion to what was initially fragmented and dispersed resistance and it openly challenged white hegemony. Black Consciousness had been developed by Steve Biko and his comrades at tertiary institutions, where it quickly gained widespread support. While black university students were in the fore in openly defying white minority rule, their small numbers nationally limited the broader impact of their action. By contrast, the significantly larger school student population possessed much greater potential to influence resistance politics. The 1976 uprising was characterised by the autonomous action of black school students, who mobilised on their own, built their own independent organisations, and crafted political programmes and tactics in the face of severe state repression. [From: http://v1.sahistory.org.za/pages/hands-on-classroom] P.T.O.

Downloaded from hlayiso.com HISTORY ADDENDUM 4 (Second Paper) 10792/15 SOURCE 1C The following extract by Seth Mazibuko focuses on his trial in 1977. It outlines the plans for the 16 June 1976 Soweto uprising and the roles of BCM and SASM. “On the 13.6.76 I was attending this meeting. Various schools of Soweto were present at this meeting; therefore there was a large attendance. The main speaker was a man called Aubrey [not to be confused with Aubrey Mokoena who was not present] who explained to us what the aims and objects of SASM were. He also discussed the use of Afrikaans as a means of tuition or language and called upon the prefects of our schools to come forward and to explain what the position was. I stood up and told the congregation that the Phefeni [Junior Secondary] School refused to use Afrikaans and they had boycotted classes during May 1976. Aubrey then enquired how other schools could support us in our stand as they were writing exams and Phefeni was not … Don [Tsietsi] Mashinini suggested that a mass demonstration should be held on 16.6.76 by all black schools … The election for the new [Soweto region] committee for SASM was then held. The following members were then elected to the committee: President, Don Mashinini of Morris Isaacson; Vice President, Seth Malibu; myself, Secretary; a female student from Naledi High School – I do not know what her name is [Sibongile Mkhabela]... Aubrey also explained that all prefects and the monitors would be formed into an Action Committee. This committee subsequently met on 15 June 1976 to consolidate strategies regarding the planned march on 16 June 1976. Mazibuko’s involvement in the planning of pre-16 June 1976 events highlights the participation and support of the BCM and the ANC, through SASM. Although SASM leaders belonged to two camps – those who were BCM aligned and those who were ANC aligned – a common purpose prevented a schism (split). [From: The Road to Democracy in South Africa: Volume 2. (pages 339 and 340 By Sifiso Mxolisi Ndlovu] Accessed 12 June 2015 P.T.O.

Downloaded from hlayiso.com HISTORY ADDENDUM 5 (Second Paper) 10792/15 SOURCE 1D The following photograph shows students carrying placards against the use of Afrikaaans as a medium of instruction. [From: Every Step of the Way: The Journey to Freedom in South Africa by M Morris] P.T.O.

Downloaded from hlayiso.com HISTORY ADDENDUM 6 (Second Paper) 10792/15 QUESTION 2 DID THE TRUTH AND RECONCILIATION COMMISSION (TRC) DEAL WITH SOUTH AFRICA’S DIVIDED PAST? SOURCE 2A This extract explains the aims of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC), which was established in 1995. There are two crucial things that have come out of the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission. The first is that it has achieved a remarkable and far-ranging public exposure of the human rights violations and crimes committed under the Apartheid regime… it has forced a previously reluctant population (though, of course, there is still denial at one level) to see that Apartheid was morally indefensible; that is a crime against humanity. It has produced an archive which allows people to examine their past and hopefully learn from it. Secondly, it has allowed ordinary people to find expression for the suffering under the regime. It has had a completely cathartic (therapeutic or healing) function for many of the victims… It is in this sense that some form of reconciliation has already taken place. [From: www.wits.ac.za Traces of Truth – The South African TRC] Accessed on 4 June 2015 P.T.O.

Downloaded from hlayiso.com HISTORY ADDENDUM 7 (Second Paper) 10792/15 SOURCE 2B The following extract focuses on the reaction to the work of the TRC. Two months before its report was due to be published in October 1998, the TRC … sent summaries of its findings to some 200 individuals and organisations that it had named in connection with human rights abuses. Their reaction was uniformly hostile. De Klerk was livid (angry) that he had been named ‘an accessory to human rights violations’ and applied to the High Court for an interdict preventing publication of a 30-line passage referring to him. Far more of a shock was the ANC’s reaction. Outraged that it has been roundly condemned for war crimes, the ANC insisted on a meeting with the TRC, intending to get it to rewrite its findings. The TRC invited the ANC to make a written submission but refused a meeting. The ANC retaliated by accusing the TRC of “criminalizing” the anti-apartheid struggle. [From: http://mobi.iol.co.za/#!/article/trc-files-reveal-damning-truth-1.1843834] Accessed on 12 June 2015 P.T.O.

Downloaded from hlayiso.com HISTORY ADDENDUM 8 (Second Paper) 10792/15 SOURCE 2C This cartoon, by Zapiro evaluates the work of the TRC. [From: The Sowetan, 29 October 1998] P.T.O.

Downloaded from hlayiso.com HISTORY ADDENDUM 9 (Second Paper) 10792/15 SOURCE 2D The following extract evaluates evidence that was presented before the TRC. Approximately 147 transcripts of confidential TRC hearings have been handed over to the South African Archives (SAHA) by the Department of Justice after the Archives’ marathon decade-long struggle to obtain them. These documents are said to contain explosive details of specific human rights violations. The confidential TRC hearings were conducted under Section 29 of the Promotion Of Nationality Act (1995). Former TRC investigative Unit Head, Dumisa Ntsebesa said “it was of utmost importance for the files to be accessible in the public domain, as these document raise serious questions for the NPA about cases that were not followed up once the TRC closed its doors.” From the records, he said, it will be clear to everyone “that we confronted perpetrators with gruelling but polite examination where many had to amplify their amnesty applications rather than the sanitised versions they had earlier represented. Now everyone can see that the investigative unit confronted perpetrators with damning prima facie evidence, and it boggles the mind that no one has been prosecuted when the Justice Department had this kind of information at its disposal. He said that information obtained at the hearings should have been used by government to retrieve cash and assets that were funnelled to secret structures such as the Civil Co-operation Bureau, which had been fingered for participation in the killings of Anton Lubowski, David Webster, Dulcie September and many other abuses such as the bombing of Father Micheal Lapsely. [From: http://mobi.iol.co.za/#!/article/trc-files-reveal-damning-truth-1.1843834] Accessed on 12 June 2015 P.T.O.

Downloaded from hlayiso.com HISTORY ADDENDUM 10 (Second Paper) 10792/15 QUESTION 3 WHY DID SOUTH AFRICA JOIN THE BRICS GROUP? SOURCE 3A The following source outlines NEPAD’S vision for Africa in 2002. The Nepad brochure circulated at the World Economic Forum discussions states: "We are at a significant juncture (cross-roads) in history. A critical mass of leadership has developed both on the continent and abroad that are genuinely committed to the regeneration of the continent. Africa's advances in recent years, the convergence (coming together) of agreement on international development goals, and a common agenda for Africa illustrate this". Also, Nepad provides three key new elements, namely; it is African developed, managed and owned; it brings the concept of a new partnership (with mutual commitments, obligations, interest, contributions and benefits); and Africa is undertaking certain commitments and obligations in its own interest which are not externally imposed conditions. Nigerian President Obasanjo said at the WEF conference in Durban, June 2002 that Nepad is the first "all- inclusive" plan for Africa devised by African leaders for Africans. It is Africa's attempt to deal with global challenges. One of its primary objectives is to create peace, as without peace Africa cannot have economic development. And without peace, the world cannot talk of effectively fighting terrorism. "What is going to change is the attitude of the leadership in Africa," said Mozambican President Chissano. "Nepad is first a partnership of Africa, and then a partnership with someone else. We own the initiative." Other key objectives of the process are the eradication of poverty and establishing good governance and democracy on the continent. "We are imposing these standards of governance on ourselves because we know that there are no alternatives," said Obasanjo. "If we fail, we can only blame ourselves, so we cannot allow it to fail." The key word at Nepad is "partnerships" – between Africa and the rest of the world, between African nations themselves, and between governments and civil society, he added. The Nepad process marks the first time in recent history that there has been ongoing engagement between Africa and the rest of the world. [From: http://www.southafrica.info/business/economy/development/nepad.htm] Accessed: 18 June 2015 P.T.O.

Downloaded from hlayiso.com HISTORY ADDENDUM 11 (Second Paper) 10792/15 SOURCE 3B The following source focuses on why South Africa wanted to join the BRICS group of countries. In 2010, South Africa sought to join the BRIC organization in an effort to spur growth and increase greater connection by lobbying to include the African continent in the organization. Jacob Zuma visited each of the BRIC countries in 2010 seeking to convince the countries that South Africa’s membership would legitimize the BRIC formation. South Africa made the case that the BRIC would remain a Goldman Sachs configuration (structure) until the countries acted on their own to decide on membership. South Africa also saw an opportunity to further their economic integration on the continent through partnerships with BRIC companies and financial institutions. While making the pitch that South Africa was representing the continent, government officials were also positioning the country to be the first destination for foreign capital that would be able to fund further ventures by South African companies onto the continent. With South Africa’s growth rate of 3% much lower than the other countries, there appears to be a mismatch between the new entrant and the other four countries. South Africa hopes to use this to its advantage by positioning itself as a pool for BRICS investment in South Africa’s advanced economy, plus a base for further investment by the BRICS in the African continent. The Republic also has institutional stability, historically strong financial markets, and effective regulators that are looked on favorably by foreign investors, especially those looking to start pan-African operations. South African business in Africa is widespread and the weight of traditional powers such as Sasol, SABMiller, Telkom, and Anglo American mean that on a corporate level South Africa can match its BRICS partners ... The BRICS involvement in Africa recently gives a clear understanding of the increased interest on the continent and why South Africa can be seen as a leader of investment in the region. [From: http://theafricanfile.com/public-diplomacy/international-relations/globalization-in-emerging-markets-united- how-south-africa%E2%80%99s-relationship-to-africa-serves-the-brics/ ] Accessed: 14 February 2015 P.T.O.

Downloaded from hlayiso.com HISTORY ADDENDUM 12 (Second Paper) 10792/15 SOURCE 3C This cartoon comments on the BRICS group breaking away from the G8. [From: http://www.les-crises.fr/2014/09/] Accessed: 14 February 2015 P.T.O.

Downloaded from hlayiso.com HISTORY ADDENDUM 13 (Second Paper) 10792/15 SOURCE 3D This source examines the establishment of the New Development Bank and the roles of the BRICS Group. New Development Bank (NDB) In its Fortaleza declaration, BRICS announced the establishment of a New Development Bank with the initial corpus (amount) of $50 billion with equal capital investment by all BRICS nations i.e. $10 billion by each BRICS nation. This capital, if possible, could later be doubled to $100 billion. Shanghai, China, has been declared the headquarters of the BRICS Development Bank and India was declared as the President of the New Development Bank for the first six years. A Board of Governors and a Board of Directors are to be chaired by Russia and China respectively. The Fortaleza Declaration is remarkable for adopting the slogan: “One Nation, One Vote” for the proposed bank. Unlike the Bretton Woods system, BRICS has decided to share the capital among the member countries on an equal voting share basis and the capital base will be used for funding sustainable development projects in the member countries. In future, low and middle income countries would also be able to apply for funding … In conclusion we can say that the BRICS Development Bank was created out of the dissatisfaction in developing countries regarding the dominance of developed nations in World Financial Institutions and to challenge the hegemony of the Bretton Woods Twins. If this initiative is able to survive the economic imbalance then it will definitely benefit the BRICS nations and they would be able to achieve more economic development and thus will become more powerful in world politics. [From: http://wiseauthority.wordpress.com/2014/08/29/brics-new-development- -bank-an-alternative-to-bretton-woods-system] Accessed: 14 February 2015 P.T.O.

Downloaded from hlayiso.com HISTORY ADDENDUM 14 (Second Paper) 10792/15 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS: Visual sources and other historical evidence were taken from the following: http://www/dirco.gov.za/docs/speeches/2007/mbeki0531.htm. http://www.edrc.net/ActivitiesText.htm. http://www/globalissues.org/article/3/structural-adjustment-a-major-cause-of-poverty. http://www.imf.org/external/np/exr/ib/2002/031502.htm. www.wits.ac.za: Traces of Truth – The South African TRC. http://www.southafrica.info/business/economy/development/nepad.htm http://theafricanfile.com/public-diplomacy/international-relations/globalization-in-emerging -markets-united-how-south-africa%E2%80%99s-relationship-to-africa-serves-the-brics/ http://www.les-crises.fr/2014/09/ http://wiseauthority.wordpress.com/2014/08/29/brics-new-development-bank-an-alternative- to-bretton-woods-system/ Morris, M. 2004, Every Step of the Way: The Journey to Freedom in South Africa (Cape Town, HSRC Press) Mzamane, M. et al. The Road To Democracy In South Africa Vol 2 (1970 – 1980) (Unisa Press, 2006) Stubbs, A. 2009. I Write What I Like, Steve Biko, A Selection of his Writings (Picador Africa) Taylor, J. 1998, Ubu and the Truth Commission (University of Cape Town Press, Cape Town) Theissen, G. Common Past, Divided Truth: The Truth and Reconciliation Commission in South African Public Opinion END