History Grade 12 P1 Eastern Cape Mock 2012 QP (Eng)

Downloaded from hlayiso.com Province of the EASTERN CAPE EDUCATION NATIONAL SENIOR CERTIFICATE GRADE 12 SEPTEMBER 2012 HISTORY P1 ADDENDUM This addendum consists of 10 pages.

Downloaded from hlayiso.com 2 HISTORY P1 (ADDENDUM) (SEPTEMBER 2012) QUESTION 1: IS THE U.S.A. THE CAUSE OF THE CUBAN MISSILE CRISIS? SOURCE 1A This is an extract from Fidel Castro’s Second Declaration of Havana, 4 February 1962. “Since the end of the Second World War, the Latin American nations are becoming pauperized constantly. The value of their capita income falls. The dreadful percentages of child death rate do not decrease; the number of illiterates grows higher, the peoples lack employment, land, adequate housing, schools, hospitals, communication systems and the means of subsistence. Wherever roads are closed to the peoples, where repression of workers and peasants is fierce, where the domination of Yankee monopolies is strongest, the first and most important lesson is to understand that it is neither just nor correct to divert the peoples with the vain and fanciful illusion that the dominant classes can be uprooted by legal means which do not and will not exist.” SOURCE 1B The following cartoon is entitled, 'Over the Garden Wall'. It is a British cartoon from 17 October 1962. It shows Kennedy on the left and Khrushchev seated on the right. Hints on Pruning

Downloaded from hlayiso.com (SEPTEMBER 2012) HISTORY P1 (ADDENDUM) 3 SOURCE 1C Women gathering at the United Nations protesting against the Cuban blockade.

Downloaded from hlayiso.com 4 HISTORY P1 (ADDENDUM) (SEPTEMBER 2012) QUESTION 2: WAS AFRICAN SOCIALISM THE SOLUTION TO TANZANIA’S POST COLONIAL PROBLEMS? SOURCE 2A This source explains the reasons why African countries embarked on a policy of self-reliance after independence. While some African states, particularly the former French colonies, opted to pursue new forms of colonialism or neo-colonialism after independence, others opted for socialism because they viewed capitalism as synonymous with colonialism and oppression. Before 1960, colonial political attitudes were exploitative and sought to intensify the divisions amongst ethnic groups. The1960‟s brought with it a different set of political and social values. These values promoted a willingness amongst African people to rise above the inherited socio-economic and political problems. African leaders developed and preached new philosophies. Political values such as African unity, solidarity, equality, self-reliance and Ubuntu became the vehicle that would drive this new consciousness and that would promote political, social and economic justice. In 1961, when Tanzania became independent, one in every six adults could read and write. Fewer than five per cent of its people lived in cities. Most Tanzanians were peasants living a subsistence life in rural areas. Few factories and industries existed. The country was regarded as one of the poorest in Africa. However, the first president of independent Tanzania, Julius Nyerere, believed that the rebuilding of African states rested on the willingness of African nations to break free from neo-colonialism by embracing self-reliance. SOURCE 2B This photograph shows peasants working on an Ujamaa collective.

Downloaded from hlayiso.com (SEPTEMBER 2012) HISTORY P1 (ADDENDUM) 5 SOURCE 2C This source shows the views of Tanzanians who were interviewed about their experiences of the Ujamaa policy.

Downloaded from hlayiso.com 6 HISTORY P1 (ADDENDUM) (SEPTEMBER 2012) QUESTION 3: HOW DID COURT CASES PROVIDE THE PLATFORM FOR FURTHER SUCCESSES OF THE CIVIL RIGHTS MOVEMENT? SOURCE 3A Arkansas Governor Orval Faubus being interviewed in 1980 about the events at Little Rock High School in 1957. I placed a small force of National Guardsmen on duty at Little Rock to preserve the peace. I could not wait for violence. I then promptly complied with the federal order to remove the National Guard. The next day there was disorder and the president sent 1,100 troops to Little Rock to escort the students into school. I am fully convinced that my handling of the situation helped to prevent violence and disorder. SOURCE 3B Official BBC report, September 1957, on the events at Little Rock High School. Nine black students have finally been able to attend Central High School in Little Rock, Arkansas. But they had to be surrounded by more than 1,000 troops, sent by President Eisenhower, to protect them against racist whites. The troops arrived last night and took over from local police after three weeks of disturbances. The students had to walk through a cordon to get to the school building. Outside, about 1,500 whites demonstrated, some violently, and at least seven were arrested. SOURCE 3C A statement by Martin Luther King, on behalf of the Montgomery Improvement Association, December 1956. This is a historic week because segregation on buses has now been declared unconstitutional by order of the Supreme Court. Within a few days you will be re-boarding integrated buses. This places upon us all a tremendous responsibility of maintaining, in face of what could be more unpleasantness, a calm and loving dignity befitting good citizens and members of our race. If there is violence in word or deed it must not be our people who commit it.

Downloaded from hlayiso.com (SEPTEMBER 2012) HISTORY P1 (ADDENDUM) 7 SOURCE 3D This source is from a comic book published worldwide by the civil rights movement in 1956 with the title, „The Montgomery Story‟.

Downloaded from hlayiso.com 8 HISTORY P1 (ADDENDUM) (SEPTEMBER 2012) QUESTION 4: WHY WERE STEVE BIKO AND THE BLACK CONSCIOUSNESS MOVEMENT SIGNIFICANT IN SOUTH AFRICA’S LIBERATION STRUGGLE? SOURCE 4A This is an excerpt from an address by President Nelson Mandela at the commemoration of the twentieth anniversary of Steve Biko’s death in East London on 12 September 1997. We are gathered here to pay homage to one of the greatest sons of our nation, Stephen Bantu Biko. His hope in life, and his life of hope, are captured by his resounding words, „In time, we shall be in a position to bestow on South Africa the greatest possible gift – a more humane face.‟ History called upon Steve Biko at a time when the political pulse of our people had been rendered faint by banning, imprisonment, exile, murder and banishment. Repression had swept the country clear of all visible organisations of the people. From the start, black consciousness articulated itself as an „attitude of mind, a way of life‟ … it has fired the determination of leaders and the masses alike. The driving thrust of black consciousness was to forge pride and unity amongst all the oppressed, to foil the strategy of divide-and-rule, to engender pride amongst the mass of our people and confidence in their ability to throw off their oppression. One of the greatest legacies of the struggle that Biko waged – and for which he died – was the explosion of pride among the victims of apartheid. … It is then a happy coincidence of history that Steve Biko is honoured with a statue, sculpted in bronze by Naomi Jacobson, the financial cost of the statue was footed by people in the creative field, including Denzel Washington, Kevin Kline (American film icons) and Richard Attenborough, who will be remembered for the film on Biko, „Cry Freedom‟. Another contributor is Peter Gabriel, whose song „Biko‟ helped keep the flame of anti-apartheid solidarity alive. We are confident that by forging a new and prosperous nation, we are continuing the fight in which Steve Biko paid the supreme sacrifice. We hope that by unveiling this statue, renaming the bridge and declaring his Ginsberg house a national monument, we are making our own humble contribution to immortalising his life.

Downloaded from hlayiso.com (SEPTEMBER 2012) HISTORY P1 (ADDENDUM) 9 SOURCE 4B This is part of an interview Steve Biko had with a European journalist in the first half of 1970. It is extracted from I Write What I Like: A Selection of His Writings, by Steve Biko. When I came to varsity [Durban Medical College, University of Natal], which was some time in 1966, in my analysis and that of my friends there was some kind of anomaly [inconsistency] in the situation, where whites were in fact the main participants in our oppression and at the same time the main participants in the opposition to that oppression. It implied therefore that at no stage in this country were blacks throwing in their lot in the shift of political opinion. The arena was totally controlled by whites in what we called „totality‟ of white power at the time. So, we argued that any changes which are to come can only come as a result of a programme worked out by black people – and for black people to be able to work out a programme they needed to defeat the one main element in politics which was working against them: a psychological feeling of inferiority which was deliberately cultivated by the system. So equally, too, the whites, in order to be able to listen to blacks, needed to defeat the one problem which they had, which was one of „superiority‟ … First of all, we said as blacks students we could not participate in multiracial organisations which were by far white organisations because of the overwhelming number of white students at universities in this country … So, in 1968 we started forming what is now called SASO – the South African Students‟ Organisation – which was firmly based on Black Consciousness, the essences of which was for the black man to elevate his own position by positively looking at those value systems that make him distinctively a man in society. SOURCE 4C The following extract is from Donald Woods 10 August 1971, the editor of the Daily Dispatch, a liberal English newspaper in East London. Woods changed his views and became an ardent defender of Black Consciousness and close confidante of Steve Biko. The emergence of SASO is one of the sad manifestations of racist policy at government level. The cornerstone of apartheid is the Bantustan policy, through which blacks were compelled to regard themselves as separate people – a people set apart – who can aspire to progress only on the basis of exclusivity. The result is the emergence of a „blacks only‟ mentality among blacks. The promoters of SASO are wrong in what they are doing. They are promoting apartheid. They are entrenching the idea of racial exclusivity and therefore doing the government‟s work.

Downloaded from hlayiso.com 10 HISTORY P1 (ADDENDUM) (SEPTEMBER 2012) ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Visual sources and other historical evidence were taken from the following sources: Bartels, J. et al. 2006. Shuters History (Shuter & Shooters Publishers) Biko l), S. 1978. I Write What I Like (Heinemann) Bonner, P. et al. 1998. Soweto: A History (Maskew Miller Longman) Bottaro, J. et al. 2006. Oxford: In Search of History Grade 12 (Oxford University Press) Claire, H. et al. Making History Grade 12 Culpin, C. 2000. South Africa Since 1948 (John Murray) Frederikse, J. 1987. South Africa: A Different Kind of War (Ravan Press) Internet Source: http:/country studies;US/3.html Keller, Bill 2008: Tree Shaker: The Story of Nelson Mandela (Kingfisher Publication) Pampallis, K. 2000: They fought for freedom: Nelson Mandela (Maskew Miller Longman) Sonaba, X. 2007. Focus on History: Looking into the past (Maskew Miller Longman.) Warden, N. The Making of Modern South Africa: Conquest, Segregation and Apartheid Saunders: Looking into the Past Grade 12 Wikipedia, 2009, Black consciousness